The United States is a gangster state at home and a rogue state abroad

 

***

Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

More on the comments policy is here.

Jane Austen as a writer about law

Boxing Day 2025

Some notes on Sense and Sensibility and Pride and Prejudice

There were a couple of significant Jane Austen anniversaries this year.

 

It was the 250th anniversary of her birth earlier this month, and it was the 30th anniversary of the best adaptation of one of her novels.

*

(Of course, many of the costume drama adaptations of her works are good as costume dramas. But the glory for me of her novels is in how she uses the written word and the gaps between those words – what she writes and what she does not write, and how she reveals miscommunications and deploys irony. Turning the stories into visual period feasts seems awkward. You may as well just watch Bridgerton. And, again for me, perhaps only Clueless gets to the essence of a character she created.)

*

To begin with a disclosure of bias: I am a Janeite and I regard her as the greatest writer in the English language. You no doubt may disagree, but you should know this as a starting point.

The implication of regarding her as the greatest writer is that she is likely to be a great writer on any topic she covers: from gardens to what we now call stately homes.

But I am a legal commentator, and it is her writing about law that I want to discuss here. For I would like to make a case for her being a great writer about law – to put alongside Franz Kafka and maybe Charles Dickens.

The thing is though you hardly know she is writing about law – she describes highly complex areas of law deftly. You take in the law’s significance and the predicaments in which the law places her characters and how legal relationships drive the plot.

Let us see how she does it in her first two novels, Sense and Sensibility and Pride and Prejudice.

(Note that in the quotes below the emphasis, of course, has been added. For convenience I have taken the texts from my Kindle version of the complete novels.)

**

Sense and Sensibility

Here is the famous first paragraph:

The family of Dashwood had long been settled in Sussex. Their estate was large, and their residence was at Norland Park, in the centre of their property, where, for many generations, they had lived in so respectable a manner as to engage the general good opinion of their surrounding acquaintance.

Straight away, like a skilled land law lecturer, she distinguishes between an estate, a residence, and property.

She then explains the significance of an estate.

The late owner of this estate was a single man, who lived to a very advanced age, and who for many years of his life, had a constant companion and housekeeper in his sister. But her death, which happened ten years before his own, produced a great alteration in his home; for to supply her loss, he invited and received into his house the family of his nephew Mr. Henry Dashwood, the legal inheritor of the Norland estate, and the person to whom he intended to bequeath it.

Austen soon moves on to showing how this affects others.

By a former marriage, Mr. Henry Dashwood had one son: by his present lady, three daughters. The son, a steady respectable young man, was amply provided for by the fortune of his mother, which had been large, and half of which devolved on him on his coming of age. By his own marriage, likewise, which happened soon afterwards, he added to his wealth. To him therefore the succession to the Norland estate was not so really important as to his sisters; for their fortune, independent of what might arise to them from their father’s inheriting that property, could be but small.

Now, having set out these basic elements of property law and succession, she turns to the crucial legal development (accompanied with gentle wit).

The old gentleman died: his will was read, and like almost every other will, gave as much disappointment as pleasure.

Austen now does some sophisticated legal world-building, having given readers the fundamental points, mixed with doses of characterisation.

He was neither so unjust, nor so ungrateful, as to leave his estate from his nephew; but he left it to him on such terms as destroyed half the value of the bequest. Mr. Dashwood had wished for it more for the sake of his wife and daughters than for himself or his son; but to his son, and his son’s son, a child of four years old, it was secured, in such a way, as to leave to himself no power of providing for those who were most dear to him, and who most needed a provision by any charge on the estate, or by any sale of its valuable woods. The whole was tied up for the benefit of this child, who, in occasional visits with his father and mother at Norland, had so far gained on the affections of his uncle, by such attractions as are by no means unusual in children of two or three years old; an imperfect articulation, an earnest desire of having his own way, many cunning tricks, and a great deal of noise, as to outweigh all the value of all the attention which, for years, he had received from his niece and her daughters. He meant not to be unkind, however, and, as a mark of his affection for the three girls, he left them a thousand pounds a-piece.

And then we move with speed to the second legal development: the nephew’s death.

Mr. Dashwood’s disappointment was, at first, severe; but his temper was cheerful and sanguine; and he might reasonably hope to live many years, and by living economically, lay by a considerable sum from the produce of an estate already large, and capable of almost immediate improvement. But the fortune, which had been so tardy in coming, was his only one twelvemonth. He survived his uncle no longer; and ten thousand pounds, including the late legacies, was all that remained for his widow and daughters.

In the passages above we see terms like “secured” and “tied up” – but now Austen changes gear so as to emphasise the relative weakness of mere assurances, recommendations, and promises.

His son was sent for as soon as his danger was known, and to him Mr. Dashwood recommended, with all the strength and urgency which illness could command, the interest of his mother-in-law and sisters.

Mr. John Dashwood had not the strong feelings of the rest of the family; but he was affected by a recommendation of such a nature at such a time, and he promised to do every thing in his power to make them comfortable. His father was rendered easy by such an assurance, and Mr. John Dashwood had then leisure to consider how much there might prudently be in his power to do for them.

[…]

When he gave his promise to his father, he meditated within himself to increase the fortunes of his sisters by the present of a thousand pounds a-piece.

[…]

And so by the following chapters we already know the truth of what Mrs. John Dashwood says about this.

“And I must say this: that you owe no particular gratitude to him, nor attention to his wishes; for we very well know that if he could, he would have left almost everything in the world to them.”

*

The legal situation of others at the house as mere visitors – with no rights in respect of the residence – is also explained, almost in passing, in the first and second chapters.

Mrs. John Dashwood, without sending any notice of her intention to her mother-in-law, arrived with her child and their attendants. No one could dispute her right to come; the house was her husband’s from the moment of his father’s decease

[…]

Mrs. John Dashwood now installed herself mistress of Norland; and her mother and sisters-in-law were degraded to the condition of visitors.

*

By the second chapter Austen is being even more skilful and confident in how she explains the law.

In a conversation between John Dashwood in his wife, we have this exposition dump which – because of the characterisation and framing – seems entirely natural to come from the mouth of Mrs. John Dashwood.

“An annuity is a very serious business; it comes over and over every year, and there is no getting rid of it. You are not aware of what you are doing. I have known a great deal of the trouble of annuities; for my mother was clogged with the payment of three to old superannuated servants by my father’s will, and it is amazing how disagreeable she found it. […]”

In the hands of most other writers such an explanation of annuities would have jarred. But by this point, we think this is exactly what this character would say and that she would also say it in just this way.

**

Pride and Prejudice

Unlike Sense and Sensibility, Austen in her second published novel waits a few chapters before she explains the relevant law.

And now she is not even full sentences, just the first clause of this sentence in chapter 7

Mr. Bennet’s property consisted almost entirely in an estate of two thousand a year, which, unfortunately for his daughters, was entailed, in default of heirs male, on a distant relation; and their mother’s fortune, though ample for her situation in life, could but ill supply the deficiency of his. Her father had been an attorney in Meryton, and had left her four thousand pounds.

Even if you read a lot about the law you will rarely, if at all, find a complex legal concept – an entail – explained so succinctly – and in less than a full sentence.

We now know enough to deal with this key passage a few chapters later.

“About a month ago I received this letter; and about a fortnight ago I answered it, for I thought it a case of some delicacy, and requiring early attention. It is from my cousin, Mr. Collins, who, when I am dead, may turn you all out of this house as soon as he pleases.”

“Oh! my dear,” cried his wife, “I cannot bear to hear that mentioned. Pray do not talk of that odious man. I do think it is the hardest thing in the world, that your estate should be entailed away from your own children; and I am sure, if I had been you, I should have tried long ago to do something or other about it.”

Jane and Elizabeth tried to explain to her the nature of an entail. They had often attempted to do it before, but it was a subject on which Mrs. Bennet was beyond the reach of reason, and she continued to rail bitterly against the cruelty of settling an estate away from a family of five daughters, in favour of a man whom nobody cared anything about.

And that last sentence is rather clever and a little naughty – because Mrs. Bennet actually grasps the brutal consequence of the entail for her daughters.

Neither the mother nor the reader need an explanation from Jane and Elizabeth. Austen has already explained it.

Towards the end of the book we have this exchange

“I never can be thankful, Mr. Bennet, for anything about the entail. How anyone could have the conscience to entail away an estate from one’s own daughters, I cannot understand; and all for the sake of Mr. Collins too! Why should he have it more than anybody else?” “I leave it to yourself to determine,” said Mr. Bennet.

And with this Austen also leaves it to her readers to determine the nature of entails and their iniquities.

**

Perhaps I will do another post on law the other novels, or perhaps a post on how Austen writes about lawyers – especially in Persuasion. (Maybe I will do this as a treat for paying subscribers.)

But what I wanted to convey here is just how brilliant Austen was as a writer about law. What, say, Dickens shovels on the page, Austen weaves so delicately that you hardly realise what she is doing.

Everyone knows Dickens was a great writer about law – he basically tells you this himself. But few realise that Austen is also a great writer about law – and in my view the better one. Only Kafka – himself a qualified lawyer – can in my view compare.

So a happy 250th birthday to Jane Austen (and happy 30th birthday for Clueless) and I hope this post encourages you to (re-)read her novels.

Clueless aside, they are all so much more satisfying than the film and television adaptations.

***

Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

More on the comments policy is here.

A guided tour of President Trump’s 33-page, $5 billion lawsuit against the British Broadcasting Corporation

16th December 2025

Over at my Substack I have done a post on the Trump lawsuit against the BBC.  It is currently behind a paywall.

I have also posted it on Patreon for those of you who subscribe there.

If you support my work by other means, like PayPal, reply with details below and I can email the post to you. Your reply will not be published.

 

The correct way to go around reviewing the ECHR – and the incorrect reasons for doing so

15th December 2025

The European Council met “unofficially” to review the European Convention on Human Rights in the context of migration asylum. This news prompted, for me, mixed feelings.

The mixed feelings meant my response was not entirely negative.

But what could possibly be positive?

*

The good thing is that any changes are being done by discussion and deliberation. That signatories are not threatening to leave or to break the convention.

The convention and other constitutional and human rights codes are often called “living instruments” – though this is usually taken to mean that the scope of that code and of its provisions can be adapted and expanded by courts and tribunals from time to time.

But for any legal code to be a “living instrument” also means it can be amended and restricted (or expanded) by the codifiers from time to time – that is the legislators that wrote and ratified the code.

This is the rough that goes with the smooth if you sincerely believe constitutional and human rights codes to be “living instruments”.

No legal code, whether drawn up in 1950 – or 1215 or 1688-89 or 1789 or whenever – should be treated as unalterable: written in stone as opposed to on parchment or paper (or now in an electronic template).

Politicians revisiting constitutional and human rights codes is the price we pay for judges being able to develop those codes and their provisions.

Of course, it may well be (as is the case here) that the politicians are up to no good, that what they want to do is illiberal and misconceived.

But that is a separate and distinct argument to be had to whether the codes should be immune from political review.

As it is, the expressed “legitimate concerns” (such a cant phrase) about can and should be met by other means, rather than rigging the convention so that member states win cased which they are currently losing.

*

One example, which should be better known but is not because the United Kingdom government did not want to shout about it, was the case of Abu Qatada.

His extradition to Jordan to face terrorism charges was blocked because evidence against him had been extracted by torture.

Ministers and the media huffed and puffed and threatened to blow the United Kingdom out of the ECHR.

But in the end – quietly – the governments of the United Kingdom and Jordan agreed a treaty that torture-gained evidence would not be used in such case.

Abu Qatada was extradited and then…

…he was cleared of terrorism charges.

Similar arrangements could be made in respect of other individuals who are resisting being sent to inhuman and degrading conditions.

*

Anyway, I have set out the Good, the Bad, and the Ugly, about this European Council deliberation over at Prospect – please click and read.

You can leave any comments on that piece below.

Extremism, conformity, and the problem of law

9th December 2025

How the law can (attempt to) regulate extremism, but it can really do nothing about conformism.

*

Let us start with this thought-provoking passage:

When I visited Auschwitz many years ago, someone in our group said that this is what happens when extremism flourishes.

Our tour guide replied:

“This place is not explained by extremism. It is explained by conformity.”

*

That exchange was in a recent post by Ian Dunt, which you can read here.

*

The state can have a good go at regulating extremism.

The state can seek to define it, for definitions are often the starting point for law and policy.

In the United Kingdom we have the following official definition of extremism:

Extremism is the promotion or advancement of an ideology based on violence, hatred or intolerance, that aims to:

(1) negate or destroy the fundamental rights and freedoms of others; or

(2) undermine, overturn or replace the UK’s system of liberal parliamentary democracyand democratic rights; or

(3) intentionally create a permissive environment for others to achieve the results in (1) or (2).

The types of behaviour below are indicative of the kind of promotion or advancement which may be relevant to the definition, and are an important guide to its application. The further context below is also an essential part of the definition.

If you look at the government’s webpage, you will see that this definition even has footnotes:

A definition with its own footnotes that define terms within the definition: this is serious stuff.

*

The term “extremism” is even used in statutes and statutory instruments:

And once you have a term defined officially, and used widely in legal instruments, you can do legal and policy things in respect of that term:

And so we have things like the Prevent Strategy which seeks to stop extremism becoming terrorism:

And we have Crown Prosecution Service guidance which refers to extremism:

And so on.

Extremism is a bureaucratic category and, as such, a government can have laws and policies that deal seek to deal with it.

Those laws and policies may have limited or no effect, or indeed counter-productive effects, but at least the state can have a good go at addressing extremism.

*

Now let us turn from extremism to conformity – the thing which the passage quoted at the head of this post warned us against:

When I visited Auschwitz many years ago, someone in our group said that this is what happens when extremism flourishes.

Our tour guide replied:

“This place is not explained by extremism. It is explained by conformity.”

What can law and policy do about conformity?

*

There is perhaps nothing the law can do to counter conformity.

This is because – maybe literally, maybe logically – the law actually requires conformity.

Maybe a law against conformity is even a contradiction-in-terms, if you think about it.

One premise of law is that, well, people comply with it.

A law which sought to counter conformity would no doubt be rather self-defeating.

*

The same can be said about policy: again one point about policy is that officials and the public are supposed to abide by it.

Policy, in general terms, provides what officials and the public should and should not do in certain situations. There may be exceptions in specific circumstances, but policy provides the general thrust of public action.

And on this basis, a policy against conformity is perhaps also a contradiction-in-terms, if you think about it.

*

There is probably nothing law and policy can do to counter the threat of conformity.

Indeed, once illiberals and authoritarians have public power, and so can determine law and policy, conformity will reinforce illiberalism and authoritarianism.

And, as and when illiberalism and authoritarianism slide into extremism, then conformity will reinforce that extremism.

*

The problem of conformity cannot thereby be solved by law and policy.

The danger needs to be addressed by other means.

And that other means is, of course, politics.

One may not be able to have a law or a policy against conformity, but one can certainly be politically opposed to it – to campaign and vote or otherwise mobilise against extremists who want to take control of the state.

And this includes resisting the temptation to conform – that is to nod-along with what is happening.

There are always extremists.

But what gives them power is not the appeal of their extremism, but the comfort others have in conformity.

*

When I visited Auschwitz many years ago, someone in our group said that this is what happens when extremism flourishes.

Our tour guide replied:

“This place is not explained by extremism. It is explained by conformity.”

***

Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

More on the comments policy is here.

How the BBC censored the line that Trump is “the most openly corrupt president in American history”

30th November 2025

 

 

The British Broadcasting Corporation’s Reith Lectures are prestigious things, a highlight of the broadcasting year.

The 2025 lecturer is Rutger Bregman.

The first of this year’s lectures is available to listen here and there is a BBC transcript of that lecture here.

But there is something missing from the broadcast lecture and the transcript.

The broadcast lecture and the published transcript are not a complete and accurate record of what was actually said.

What is missing – edited out by the BBC – is a single line.

The line is that Donald Trump is “the most openly corrupt president in American history”.

As a special treat for those who are kind enough to pay for subscriptions for this blog, I have done a close look at those “legal reasons” from an English media law perspective.

You can read it on Substack here and on Patreon here.

If you financially support this blog by other means (eg PayPal), leave a comment below (which will not be published) and I can either add you as a complementary subscriber or send the post to your email address.

Trump v the BBC cont’d: an odd and desperate letter from the US media regulator

22nd November 2025

*

Why the BBC is right not to pay damages to Trump

14th November 2025

By apologising, the broadcaster has taken the sting out of Trump’s excessive attack

I have done a piece at the New Statesman where I used to be legal correspondent, you can read it here.

You can comment below.

The letter the BBC could send to Trump in reply to his $1bn claim

12th November 2025

Yesterday this blog offered a close reading of the letter Trump’s lawyers had sent to the British Broadcasting Corporation. As a follow-up, this is a letter that the BBC could send in reply.

*

Dear Sirs

We refer to your letter.

As a preliminary point, it is accepted that the edited video in the Panorama programme was an error which should not have been made by the production company or approved by us for broadcast. We apologise for that error both to our viewers generally and to your client in particular. It was a failure of commissioning, journalistic and editorial standards. The programme has been removed from our iPlayer online platform and it will not be broadcast again with the error.

But failures of commissioning, journalistic and editorial standards do not by themselves give rise to a legal claim. We have looked carefully at your client’s claim as set out in your letter, and for the reasons below that claim is denied.

Your letter provides no evidence that your client was aware of the programme when it was broadcast or for at least a year afterwards. If your client maintains this claim please disclose evidence for our pre-action inspection that your client was aware of the broadcast before the press coverage of the last two weeks. Please also inform us when you were first instructed in respect of this complaint. In your letter you are anxious that we retain relevant documents, and so we presume you also have relevant documents about your client’s awareness of the programme. If you do have such evidence, please confirm that is the case.

The programme was not broadcast in the United States generally or Florida in particular. Our programmes on iPlayer are not available in the United States. Please provide any evidence for our pre-action inspection that the programme was watched by any person in your jurisdiction. Again, given the document retention requirements you set out in your letter, you presumably have retained such documents. And again, if you do have such evidence, please confirm this is the case.

You state in your letter three times that your client has suffered “overwhelming financial and reputational harm”. This is presumably on the Beetlejuice principle that if you say something three times it somehow appears. But your letter contains no evidence of either financial or reputational harm, let alone both. And your letter certainly fails to provide evidence of any harm being “overwhelming”. Given that your client was actually re-elected to the presidency within days of this programme being shown (in the United Kingdom but not the United States) there is no obvious harm that was suffered by your client.

If you do have any evidence of the alleged harm, either “overwhelming” or at all , and if your client continues with this claim, please provide that for our pre-action inspection. Please also provide evidence that the programme was “widely disseminated throughout various digital mediums, which have reached tens of millions of people worldwide”.

Talking of “tens of millions” you provided no basis whatsoever for the figure of one billion dollars. Please confirm whether this is a billion in an English or an American sense. As the figure seems arbitrary, please provide your workings out of the quantum. As it stands, the figure has no more meaning than a demand for one trillion dollars, or for one dollar.

Both your client and the BBC believe in the value of freedom of expression. Your client benefits from the constitutional and other legal protections for free speech in the United States. The BBC also should have the benefit of the same protections. We made a mistake for which we have apologised and undertaken not to broadcast again. But this should not be a matter for the courts.

Thank you for your attention to this matter.

Yours faithfully

[ ]

***

Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

More on the comments policy is here.