The Manchester City decision shows the costs of an aggressive litigation strategy

5th October 2026

How the club’s lack of cooperation and putting forward dishonest evidence have put the club at a disadvantage

This is a post is on the decision by an independent commission on Manchester City. In particular, this post critically examines two passages:

(1) the conclusion that that certain factual witnesses for Manchester City gave evidence at the hearing that they knew to be untrue and so had been dishonest (at paragraph 29(b) of the decision); and

(2) the finding that Manchester City made concerted efforts to stop and frustrate the Premier League investigation (at paragraph 157 of the decision).

This post goes no further than the decision in setting out any matter of fact and, as a matter of opinion, this post is based on a close reading of the decision.

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A quick word about bias. I happen to support a club similar to Manchester City which was bought about the same time as Manchester City and is also a big city club with a great deal of commercial potential. I hope, however, that if my club Aston Villa had been found to have done the same things as Manchester City I would write the same sort of post.

For there, by the grace of gods, go many large football clubs that could have been purchased instead of Manchester City.

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Now let us begin.

Imagine you are a senior person in a corporation facing legal trouble.

How would you deal with this predicament?

There are perhaps two things to do.

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First, you will need to have a grasp of the problem: you will need advice on the applicable law and procedure and an assessment of the evidence available. This should give you a sense of what is often called the “merits” of the situation. Most experienced and competent lawyers will give more-or-less the same view of the merits given the same law/procedure/evidence, regardless of who instructs them and for how much.

It is because the law/procedure/evidence will usually point in one direction that when a civil case is at a more advanced stage, when there the parties know the submissions of each other and evidence has been disclosed, that cases tend to settle. The stuff of civil litigation is often at pre-trial stage: what happens at trial will then be theatrics.

(And a similar thing happens with criminal cases, which is why many defendants change their plea.)

An early view on the merits is invariably essential.

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Once you have a view on the merits, you then have to decide what to do.

One approach is to be conciliatory and cooperative. You know what evidence is going to come out at some stage, and you will have advice on what a tribunal is likely to do on the basis of such evidence. There is thereby no need to make things worse for your corporation. You may as well start earning credit as soon as possible.

Another approach is to be firm and robust. Here the plan is to settle on the best possible terms by showing that you are actually resolved to go all the way. Like military theorists who say one obtains peace by preparing for war, a party will often settle on good terms by showing (and convincing) the other parties that it is genuinely preparing for trial.

And then there is the aggressive approach.

This is when a party does things or does not do things that go further than then firm and robust presentation of a case, so as to have an effect on the other party and/or the tribunal and/or third parties.

This can include non-cooperation with investigators, or intimidatory communications or onerous cynical applications, and even providing false and misleading evidence, and so on.

Aggression is going further than is required to present a case in its best way.

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A party that has the law and the procedure and the facts on its side will not usually need to be aggressive. Indeed, aggression is often the tell of a weak case.

Aggression can also be counter-productive. There can be additional sanctions and costs consequences for non-cooperation, and stridency can be held against you on appeal. Within a regulatory or litigation process, aggression can make little or no sense.

And so when a party is aggressive there can be an external reason.

A common reason for aggression is send more general signals: so as to deter and inhibit third parties from various courses of action. Litigation is deeply unpleasant for normal people, even when it is not aggressive. A sense that a potential counterparty will be aggressive is often the reason to not take them on.

Sometimes the bullying is directed so as to gain a better chance of favourable settlement, even though the merits of the case are against the bully. This can work even with appeals: a party loses badly at first instance, but still gets a favourable settlement because the winning party cannot stomach going through with an appeal.

Aggression can also be desperation: it gives the illusion of the management of a corporation doing something when there is actually nothing to be done. As they nod in their mirrors they can boast to themselves that they “went down fighting”, even when the fighting comprised punching themselves in the face.

And sometimes parties are aggressive for the same reason dogs lick themselves: just because they can.

There are no real consequences for them from the aggression: an adverse ruling is a cost of business, and it can be afforded. Here the aggression is the point.

None of these are good reasons for being aggressive in regulatory matters or litigation.

They are bad reasons, but they are reasons all the same.

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The approach of Manchester City to their regulatory and disciplinary woes has been aggressive.

At an early stage of facing investigation, the management of the club will have had advice on the merits of its overall case.

They would have been told the applicable rules, the relevant process, and the likely assessments by the tribunal of the evidence available to the club.

Nothing in the recent decision of the disciplinary commission on that evidence would therefore have come as a surprise. It would have been within the range of foreseeable outcomes.

The question for those in charge of Manchester City would have then been how to approach the investigation.

And for some reason, the club chose to be aggressive.

We know this because of the finding of the commission:

“The Club made concerted efforts to stop and frustrate the [Premier League] investigation.”

(The club maintains it “is innocent of the accusations made by the Premier League and a comprehensive body of irrefutable evidence exists in support of all of its positions, relating to this case”. Note, not just a “body of evidence” – but a “comprehensive” body of evidence, and one which is “irrefutable”.)

At some point a decision would have been made by someone senior at Manchester City for co-operation not to have been provided to the investigation.

That decision would have been made at a senior level, and we can assume that the decision-maker(s) would have had advice in place on the consequences of not co-operating.

It would seem that the decision-maker(s) made the decision not to co-operate anyway.

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The commission did not only say that the club made efforts to stop and frustrate the investigation (and here note also the two distinct words “stop” and “frustrate”).

The commission also used the strong word “concerted”.

Given that the sentence of the decision would be damning enough without the word “concerted”, then one can ask what is added by this word.

The word indicates that a form of conspiracy or collusion between more than one person, and that a deliberate and planned approach was adopted.

The word “concerted” thereby super-charges what would already be an unfortunate finding.

The commission would presumably not use this word unless there was substance in the (unpublished) appendices.

We also know that this finding that there were concerted efforts to stop and frustrate the investigation was made without the Premier League’s supposed further evidence that “the Club had committed ‘additional and perhaps more 39 egregious acts of non-cooperation’ by making inaccurate, dishonest and/or misleading statements when responding to questions from the Premier League about its financial arrangements in the course of its investigation.”

And so even without this alleged further evidence, the finding was still that there was a concert party of wrong-doing in respect of dealing with the investigation.

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Given the likelihood of such a finding of non co-operation, it is difficult to see a good reason for the co-operation not to be provided.

And if there was not a good reason, then there was a bad reason – or no reason at all.

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There are other findings which come down to Manchester City doing things which would then count against them in dealing with this case.

The club put forward witnesses who not only said false things, but who were dishonest.

Again, “dishonest” is a very strong word.

We do not have Appendix 6, but there would presumably be substance in there that not only was the evidence provided by club witnesses incorrect, but that the witnesses were dishonest.

Unless those witnesses suddenly went off on a frolic of their own at the hearing and gave dishonest oral evidence unexpectedly, then the club calling that evidence would have taken the decision to put the witnesses that would provide that evidence before the commission.

Note here that the commission do not say that this dishonest evidence was on trivial or irrelevant points, but that it was from “important factual witnesses” and it was false in “key respects”.

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Maybe the club will reverse the commission’s decision on appeal.

Maybe the club will succeed in a further appeal to the High Court on a point of law or procedure.

If so, with either outcome, the evidence and legal submissions would have been enough without the aggression. The aggression was not required.

Maybe the Club will force the Premier League to “settle” the case before either appeal.

If so, the adverse findings of the commission are likely to still stand.

Nothing will really have been gained by the aggression – and a lot lost.

Indeed, the lack of cooperation and the dishonest witness evidence reduce the chances of any successfully appeal significantly.

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The club is now not in a happy place legally.

Not only has it been found to be in breach of various regulations, the commission ruling uses terms like “sham”, “disguise” and “conceal” in respect of those breaches, on the basis of “strong, cogent evidence”.

But this post is not about that evidence. This post is about what the club did once it knew it faced an investigation about those matters.

It made a decision not to cooperate.

It made a decision to put forward witnesses to provide evidence on key points which was found by the commission to be dishonest.

Those were aggressive decisions the club made once it knew it was in regulatory and legal peril.

And it would have done so knowing the likely consequences of those decisions in the findings of the commission.

There is more FAFO than FA in the commission decision.

Manchester City have only got themselves to blame.

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Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

More on the comments policy is here.

Why everyone interested in law should see Coyote vs Acme

14th September 2026

How Coyote vs Acme is one of the best films made about civil litigation

(Some mild spoilers, caveat emptor.)

There are many good films and plays about the law. Many of these are about criminal law – and the criminal legal process readily lends itself to drama. There are some good films and plays about the civil law, usually about tort cases – negligence or defamation.

But there are few good films and plays about commercial law: the buying and selling of goods and services. It is often a dull subject, and dull subjects are hard to make into good drama.

We now have, however, a good – indeed great – film about commercial law. It is a film which everyone interested in law should see. It also happens to be a wonderful film generally, but it is one which also will be appreciated by lawyers and those who love them.

The film is Coyote vs Acme – a mixed live-animation movie in the tradition of Who Framed Roger Rabbit and as least as good.

Coyote is the client. He sees an advert for what can be called a ‘billboard lawyer’ and he decides to instruct the attorney for a case. The lawyer specialises in small product liability cases. The cases are genuine but not high-value and the defendant corporations do not contest the claims. There is thereby a steady run of settlements and thereby an equally steady revenue stream. On this basis the lawyer has a small practice employing a handful of people but is subject to very real financial constraints. At one point a staff member even wonders aloud about who will pay for the photocopying – perhaps the most plausible line of a dialogue ever in any film about law.

This is the sort of High Street (or Main Street) practice many lawyers and clients outside the heady world of the City (or Wall Street) will recognise. Such realistic depiction of a law firm would be a boon in any movie, let alone in an animated feature. And yet it is not the only note of realism in this movie.

Coyote’s envisaged case is not for a small claim. Instead, it is for a very big claim. He wants to claim in respect of all the devices manufactured by Acme he has used in his failed attempts to catch Road Runner. This intended scope means that it is the sort of claim which the billboard lawyer’s firm cannot properly handle. The practice is geared towards a succession of small claims that will settle before trial, and certainly not for a wide-ranging complex claim that would likely be contested to trial and then to appeal (and appeal).

The exact legal basis for the claim is not clear (at least on first viewing). It would appear that Coyote wants more than a mere refund for the costs of the kit. Indeed he seems to want damages – but damages for what? As he seems to walk away unharmed from each calamity a personal injury claim would be difficult to put together as a matter of evidence. Maybe he wants to recover for loss of a chance, in respect of not getting his desired dinner. Or perhaps it is for stress and upset. The basis of the claim is not explicit: he is the sort of client that wants to bring a claim and wants the lawyer to work out how such a claim is brought. Again, this is realistic.

Yet on the face of it, Coyote’s claim is weak. The various contraptions he has purchased were presumably not intended for catching Road Runners. If so, it would be hard to argue that they were not fit for purpose, if they were used for purpose for which they were not intended. Presumably the products are commercially off-the-shelf, but not for dropping off a cliff.

In this situation one would expect a reasonable law firm acting reasonably to decline the instruction. The case is not only not in accordance with the firm’s business plan, it would probably be inappropriate for a firm to take on a case for which it is simply not suited; the client is not clear as to the legal basis of the claim; and the claim itself looks weak.

Coyote, who is well used to setbacks, looks like he has encountered another disaster. He may as run headfirst into a law firm painted on the side of a mountain.

But – and this is where the movie shows a real insight into civil litigation – things change.

The firm somehow takes on the case. The defendant corporation makes an immediate and genuine offer to settle. This is not what many would expect in this circumstance. Acme’s reaction suggests there is more to this case.

And then Coyote does what many lawyers would dread. He refuses the generous settlement offer. He wants to go to trial. He appears to not want to be compensated for the wrongs committed against him, he wants his day in court.

Such a response presents a problem in most civil litigation. Almost all civil litigation ended in settlement: it is a form of structured deal-making and negotiation. Even clients who embark on civil litigation ‘as a matter of principle’ invariably settle. This is especially so in commercial cases, for commercial problems usually have commercial solutions.

The reason Coyote does not want to settle is that he has a collateral purpose in bringing this case (which this post will not spoil). Sometimes civil claims are brought as a means to a non-financial end, and this is one of those cases. But this stubbornness then undermines Coyote’s law firm. Taking on such a claim was already a huge risk: turning down a lucrative settlement is a catastrophe.

But then we come to the one thing on which almost all civil cases ultimately turn: evidence. One reason why most civil claims settle is that before trial that almost all the evidence is shared at an earlier stage, and the lawyers on both sides can advise their clients accordingly. Little usually can still turn on witness evidence at trial, however impressive the cross-examinations. Evidence and its disclosure before trial is key and usually determinative.

And evidence emerges that may transform Coyote’s case from what seems a weak claim to a strong claim. This evidence explains the corporation’s generous offer to settle. It also explains why the corporation changes approach and adopts aggressive litigation tactics. Acme’s general counsel comes under executive pressure to make this problem go away. The bully is bullied. Coyote and his lawyers are on to something.

There is a trial and post-trial proceedings – and these will please those who like courtroom drama. But the pleasure of this film is showing what happens up to and outside those proceedings, for what happens outside of the courtroom is the real stuff of civil litigation. And Coyote v Acme, in a cartoon world, captures the true nature of civil litigation wonderfully.

Some films can be appreciated on many levels. Everyone who is interested in law will have their favourites. Coyote v Acme – which almost was not released for commercial reasons – should be a favourite for anyone interested in the practicalities of bringing and defending civil legal cases. It is not only criminal lawyers who can have all the fun.

Litigation settlements and public policy

3rd September 2026

How settling litigation is being (wrongly) used for broader political goals

There have been two interesting examples of litigation settlements in the United States being used for wider political goals.

In respect of one example, the liberal minded may go Boo!

In respect of the other example, the liberal minded may go Hurrah!

This post sets out why one should go Boo! to both.

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The first example is President Trump’s supposed settlement of his claim against his own government. You may recall that one proposed term of this settlement was the creation of a huge slush fund for his political supporters.

Boo!

Of course, such a move was illiberal and misconceived. It is not the proper purpose of a settlement agreement to set up arrangements by which over a billion dollars of public money can be distributed to those who broke the law in their political support for Trump.

This is instead the sort of thing for which legislation should be used – or not used.

Using what is, in essence, a private agreement to set up such a scheme is far more than a compromise between parties settling a law suit.

And the fund seems to have got little traction and looks like it has been abandoned.

It was an ingenious ploy – and quite, quite wrong.

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The second example is the settlement by which various states in the United States have forced Meta to make widespread changes to its platforms in respect of child protection.

Hurrah!

Meta has thereby been obliged to make changes which it has long resisted and in respect of which it has lobbied politicians to oppose.

The state governments nonetheless worked out a means be which they could get their way.

As part of the agreement to end the litigation, Meta undertook to make wide changes in its commercial and technical practices.

But again, a settlement agreement is not the appropriate means to effect such wider changes.

One may clap and cheer at the result – a mighty corporation tamed – but we should also tut at how it was achieved.

Litigation is not an exact science and cases can and do go against expectations. The dynamics of a case change over time, and developments in the course of litigation can swing in various directions and at a range of speeds.

In this case, it so happened that Meta saw an advantage in settling on such terms. But that may well not have happened. And any settlement could have been on far less attractive terms to the government.

And public policy should not really be set by one lot of litigation lawyers in a contest with another lot of litigation lawyers.

Forcing such changes on a corporation like Meta is instead the job of laws and law-makers, governors and decision-makers.

That Meta and other corporations are so effective in stymying such rule making and decision making does not change this basic constitutional point.

In this case, yes – there was a good outcome for those who wish corporations to be more responsible.

But it would be better if such wider changes were done by those actually elected to make and implement public policy: by politicians after deliberation, and not by opposing litigation lawyers in a deal.

Over at Prospect I have developed this argument further.

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Just like setting up public inquiries are often an admission of the failure of accountability of institutions that should have dealt with matters in real time and at the time, looking to litigation settlements to push through wide changes is also an admission of the failure of institutions to deal with matters as they should.

Settlements of litigation cases should have the narrow purpose of, well, settling a dispute between parties.

Settlements of litigation cases should not be used to settle wider political and policy issues.

Why Trump’s lawsuit against the BBC is not going well for him

4th August 2026

How he has fallen into a discovery trap of his own making

One point which was emphasised in the litigation department of where I was a junior litigator was to always prepare for trial.

Each step of the litigation process, from pre-action correspondence onwards, was to be regarded to be part of a whole. Each part related to another part.

Everything had to fit together.

This meant that, say, shooting off letter before claim with no real regard to what would – or could – happen later on was an absolute no-no. You do not just send a threatening letter, still less issue and serve a claim, just to press the other side into settlement. You had to assume that the case could go all the way, and plan accordingly. Sending threatening letters as an end in themselves could be left to other law firms. Only when you had thought through every contingency should any legal letter be sent or any claim brought.

Perhaps paradoxically, this meant cases did tend to settle early. As military theorists aver, for peace prepare for battle. The other side’s lawyers (if competent) can often tell if a threat or a claim is serious, and they will advise their clients appropriately.

This policy tied in with the maxim from the same litigation department: we may be disappointed by what the other side do in a dispute, but we are never, ever surprised.

(Always beware of the litigation lawyer who says in correspondence that they are “surprised” by something the other side do, for they are doing the wrong job.)

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President Donald Trump does not adopt this cautious thought-through approach with his litigation.

He instead seeks to press the other side into an early settlement. He assumes that with a big enough threat that the other side will cave. For him threatening and issuing lawsuits are about creating and using leverage. It can be fairly described as bullying.

And in practice it often works. There are many law firms as well as other entities and institutions that duly surrendered at the prospect of a legal assault. Such appeasement may have good reasons or bad reasons, but it means that Trump does not need to do any more that raise his litigation standard. The other side do the rest – and do it to themselves.

But what happens when the other side does not give in, and they instead make a fight of it?

Then such a front-loaded tactic can come a cropper, for it is a tactic without a strategy. Like a chess player who can only think one move ahead, an aggressive litigator can quickly be placed at a disadvantage. For what can seem a good idea when launching a claim can soon be exposed as a very bad idea.

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And so we come to the pratfall, the utter clustermuck of President Donald Trump’s lawsuit against the British Broadcasting Corporation.

This is an example of a front-loaded claim which is now coming apart because of its own contradictions. And we can watch this happen in real time. The admirable United States practice of publishing dockets online mean we can see the progress (or otherwise) of this lawsuit, document-by-document.

The circumstances giving rise to the claim are well known. The BBC showed (in the UK) a documentary about Trump where footage of a speech was misleadingly edited. This was a significant editorial mistake for which the BBC apologised. Executives even resigned.

Trump smelt blood. Trump often brings cases when there is an actual wrong. What he then does is use that wrong as a basis for far-reaching and excessive demands. In his case against his own Treasury there was a wrong about his wrongfully disclosed tax records. He is adept at spotting weaknesses and exploiting them.

And so Trump is suing the BBC in respect of this editorial error. The error was enough for a pretext for a claim, so as to exert pressure on a major media company. But there are problems with the claim. There seems to be, for example, no evidence that anybody in the United States even saw the documentary, let alone that the programme caused him any damage.

Yet when he brought the claim, he put the demand at five billion dollars (or ten billion dollars depending on how the claim is constructed, though the two amounts seem to be duplicated).

How could he possibly justify such an inflated demand?

Well, Trump asserted that the BBC documentary at issue had made him suffer “extensive economic harms” and “injury to [his] business and personal reputation inflicted by [the BBC]… thereby causing massive economic damage to his brand value and significant damage and injury to his future financial prospects”.

He further pleaded that this damage resulted in “direct harm to his professional and occupational interests, including, without limitation, the value of his brand, properties, and businesses, and severe diminishment and tarnishing of his reputation as a politician, leader, and businessman in the eyes of the American public and around the world.”

This, of course, is all twaddle – preposterous flapdoodle.

But it served the immediate purpose of rendering plausible the amount demanded. It was not just harm to him personally, but to his business. There was not just economic harm, but “extensive” economic harm. There was not just economic damage but “massive” economic damage. And so on. The claim could not be put higher.

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Such bombast and bluster in support of an inflated claim has now brought problems to Trump, for the BBC did not fold but are defending the claim. Trump now has to evidence the claims of “extensive” and “massive” economic harm and damage.

The BBC are seeking discovery – disclosure – of documentation and other materials that are relevant to whether Trump has suffered any such economic harm and damage.

Discovery is an important pre-trial stage in any litigation case. What comes out in discovery will often make a break a claim or a defence, long before any trial date. No sensible plaintiff (as they are called in the United States, and still should be called here) should ever embark on a claim without an assessment of its own evidence base.

And similarly, no defendant should ever oppose a case hoping, Micawber-like, that something will come out in discovery. Discovery should always be a servant and not a master. But if a defendant is having to defend a case, discovery is a fair and effective weapon in the litigation arsenal.

Because of the wide-ranging claims of commercial damage, the BBC are entirely justified in seeking discovery of documents relevant to the claim. And such discovery is not limited to evidence in support or defence of the claim, but it covers any relevant material. The material does not even need to be admissible. The only exception is privileged documentation.

Trump does not want to disclose this evidence, even though the claimed damage is an element of the claim being brought. His lawyers resisted the application. His lawyers argued that the request is improper as well as disproportionate and unduly burdensome. The lawyers even said that such commercial damage could just be dealt with by a simple expert report at trial.

In essence, Trump and his lawyers were trapped between the broad terms of the initial claim and the direct consequences of those broad terms. What must have seemed a bright idea to force the BBC into early settlement is now a very real problem for them at this disclosure stage. They have to put up, else they may face a court order to shut up.

Because of the refusal to disclose the evidence, the matter went before the court. And in a readable and interesting Order, the judge sides completely with BBC. In paragraph after paragraph the judge hoists up Trump and their lawyers by their own petard.

This, of course, may not be the end of the case. Trump may appeal. Trump’s lawyers may come up with some ingenious device to get past this obstacle. Or the BBC may choose this moment to offer a face-saving sop to Trump so as to extract itself from this daft but dangerous litigation. This case is unlikely to have a clean break.

But until and unless something else happens, Trump and his lawyers have a problem – and it is a problem entirely of their own making.

Always prepare for trial.

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Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

More on the comments policy is here.

A judgment for the ages, and my Prospect article

17th July 2026

Do read this judgment – and my Prospect comment

Yesterday this blog published a post, but it had a borked link to the judgment mentioned. Although this was quickly corrected online, it meant those who only read emails would not have the link.

That judgment of the ages is here – and you really should read it in full.

And my Weekly Constitutional article at Prospect on the case is here.

I should be publishing a fuller post on here on the case soon.

Trump’s most extraordinary abuse of court comes to an end

16th July 2026

A judge has made a splendid Order, which should be read in full.

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There has never been a case like this one.

That is not just the view of some passing legal blogger, but of the judge herself. As Judge Kathleen M. Williams said in her latest, highly significant order:

“But perhaps the most startling misstatement advanced by Plaintiffs is their characterization of this case as “ordinary.” […] There is nothing “ordinary” about this case; it is the very definition of sui generis.”

“Sui generis” is a legal phrase, meaning a thing is unique.

As a biologist would say, a thing has a genus all of its own.

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The case is, of course, the (supposed) litigation between President Trump and his own government, which was (supposedly) settled in a way so as to lead to a huge slush fund for political allies and wide ranging tax immunities for Trump.

And that has come to a halt, with this wonderful piece of legal writing, which you should read in full.

 

I will do a longer piece on here when I have fully recovered from an irksome illness, and thank you for your patience in the meantime.

The Trump slush fund appears to have been aborted – but the real problem about the ‘settlement’ remains

3rd June 2026

The root cause of this outrage is not addressed by this pruning

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The proposal for a ‘anti-weaponisation’ fund seems to have been dumped.

The acting Attorney General of the United States said at Congressional meeting yesterday that:

“We are not moving forward with the fund.”

Nor indeed moving in any direction with the fund.

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But the fund was a consequence of a more fundamental abuse of power which is still in place, and until that is hacked out there will be other problems.

As set out in previous posts, a contrived and inflated legal case was brought by Trump (and his son and his company) against the United States government, which was then purportedly ‘settled’ between the parties, though without court approval or even recognition.

The settlement – that is a contract – was then used as a legal basis to create rights and obligations of an extraordinary nature.

To allude to the eminent jurist Meat Loaf, one can do many things with settlement agreements, but one cannot do that.

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One provision of the supposed ‘settlement’ was the creation of the ‘anti-weaponisation’ slush fund to benefit various supporters of Trump. This audacious move now appears to have been aborted.

But other extraordinary provisions with a basis on what only a private contract are still in place.

This is an addendum to the supposed agreement:

This is a wide immunity for the plaintiffs – and others! – from more-or-less any action the United States treasury or revenue service could take against them. If the provision had effect, it would fetter the tax authorities, preventing them from doing a whole range of actions.

Such an immunity should, if it exists at all, have a solid legal basis – and should be approved or overseen by Congress.

But to base such an immunity on the shaky-flimsy basis of a private contract without any court recognition is, well, inappropriate.

One suspect that one purpose of the litigation was to get in place a ‘settlement’ agreement, where the opportunity would be taken to place wide-ranging obligations and restrictions on the tax authorities.

As reported in yesterday’s post the court has re-opened that litigation. If the litigation is now stuck out then there will not even be nominally a dispute, and without a supposed dispute there cannot be a settlement.

That would mean the above immunities would go too – to the extent they even exist at law.

So a lot still rides on what the court does with this re-opened case.

The slush fund seems to have gone, but will the rest of the ‘settlement’ go too?

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Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

More on the comments policy is here.

How a new court Order means Trump’s slush fund is now in peril

2nd June 2026

The judge has re-opened the supposed ‘settled’ case

In a significant development the court has now re-opened the litigation which had ended in the supposed ‘settlement’ of a slush fund for President Trump’s political supporters.

You may recall that this blog has previously covered this extraordinary case.

The story so far in essence:

– Trump (and his son and company) brought a largely contrived case against his own government for inflated damages of $10 billion;

– the court rightly doubted that this was an actual dispute between the parties, and so required further submissions on jurisdiction;

– just before the deadline for those submissions, Trump and his co-plaintiffs pulled their claim, leading the court to formally end the case;

– there was then a supposed “settlement” between the parties but without any court recognition which purported to set up a $1.776 billion slush fund and also to grant legal immunity for Trump and others;

– but this ‘settlement’ has been challenged by former Capitol police and also by a group of former federal judges.

Well, the action brought by the group of former federal judges has actually gained some traction.

The judge has now re-opened the case.

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Here is the online docket, and sometimes dockets are a form of poetry.

Online docket showing the case closing and reopening.

You can see on 18 May 2026 the case was closed, and then on 27-29 there was an application and then an Order to re-open the case.

You may recall from an earlier post that the former judges are attacking the ‘settlement’ from the perspective that there was an abuse of process in pulling the case and then purporting to settle it.

The judge now has re-opened the case, and she is now asking for even more submissions from the parties.

re-openedOrder asking for even more submissions from the parties

This places the parties in a far worse position than they were on the eve of the case being pulled. And here there seems to be no way out for the parties by trying to pull and ‘settle’ the case again. They have to come up with the submissions, else presumably the the case will be struck out.

You will see that those challenging the ‘settlement’ can, in turn, make submissions in reply.

This is a huge set-back for the parties setting up this slush-fund on the back of a ‘settlement’. If the case is struck out, there is nothing to settle, and so there cannot be any kind of ‘settlement’.

The rug is being pulled.

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There is so, so much wrong with this case, from every angle. It is like an implausible exam question for law students. This is not what litigation is for and this is not what settlements are for.

But at least now there is a chance for the court to self-correct the excesses of the parties, for if the case is struck out there cannot be a ‘settlement’ – either recognised by the court or otherwise.

Let’s keep watching.

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A super-injunction has been revealed

16th July 2025

A curious sequence of court judgments have just been published

Yesterday a raft of court judgments and other legal materials were published in respect of an extra-ordinary super-injunction.

And this was not just a super-injunction, it was also one against the world – contra-mundum.

This is heady stuff.

You can read the materials here.

I do not offer any quick hot-take as these things should be read properly, but at first glance they are fascinating.

More to come soon.

Solving the puzzle of why the case of Prince Harry and Lord Watson against News Group Newspapers came to its sudden end

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