Why Trump’s lawsuit against the BBC is not going well for him

4th August 2026

How he has fallen into a discovery trap of his own making

One point which was emphasised in the litigation department of where I was a junior litigator was to always prepare for trial.

Each step of the litigation process, from pre-action correspondence onwards, was to be regarded to be part of a whole. Each part related to another part.

Everything had to fit together.

This meant that, say, shooting off letter before claim with no real regard to what would – or could – happen later on was an absolute no-no. You do not just send a threatening letter, still less issue and serve a claim, just to press the other side into settlement. You had to assume that the case could go all the way, and plan accordingly. Sending threatening letters as an end in themselves could be left to other law firms. Only when you had thought through every contingency should any legal letter be sent or any claim brought.

Perhaps paradoxically, this meant cases did tend to settle early. As military theorists aver, for peace prepare for battle. The other side’s lawyers (if competent) can often tell if a threat or a claim is serious, and they will advise their clients appropriately.

This policy tied in with the maxim from the same litigation department: we may be disappointed by what the other side do in a dispute, but we are never, ever surprised.

(Always beware of the litigation lawyer who says in correspondence that they are “surprised” by something the other side do, for they are doing the wrong job.)

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President Donald Trump does not adopt this cautious thought-through approach with his litigation.

He instead seeks to press the other side into an early settlement. He assumes that with a big enough threat that the other side will cave. For him threatening and issuing lawsuits are about creating and using leverage. It can be fairly described as bullying.

And in practice it often works. There are many law firms as well as other entities and institutions that duly surrendered at the prospect of a legal assault. Such appeasement may have good reasons or bad reasons, but it means that Trump does not need to do any more that raise his litigation standard. The other side do the rest – and do it to themselves.

But what happens when the other side does not give in, and they instead make a fight of it?

Then such a front-loaded tactic can come a cropper, for it is a tactic without a strategy. Like a chess player who can only think one move ahead, an aggressive litigator can quickly be placed at a disadvantage. For what can seem a good idea when launching a claim can soon be exposed as a very bad idea.

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And so we come to the pratfall, the utter clustermuck of President Donald Trump’s lawsuit against the British Broadcasting Corporation.

This is an example of a front-loaded claim which is now coming apart because of its own contradictions. And we can watch this happen in real time. The admirable United States practice of publishing dockets online mean we can see the progress (or otherwise) of this lawsuit, document-by-document.

The circumstances giving rise to the claim are well known. The BBC showed (in the UK) a documentary about Trump where footage of a speech was misleadingly edited. This was a significant editorial mistake for which the BBC apologised. Executives even resigned.

Trump smelt blood. Trump often brings cases when there is an actual wrong. What he then does is use that wrong as a basis for far-reaching and excessive demands. In his case against his own Treasury there was a wrong about his wrongfully disclosed tax records. He is adept at spotting weaknesses and exploiting them.

And so Trump is suing the BBC in respect of this editorial error. The error was enough for a pretext for a claim, so as to exert pressure on a major media company. But there are problems with the claim. There seems to be, for example, no evidence that anybody in the United States even saw the documentary, let alone that the programme caused him any damage.

Yet when he brought the claim, he put the demand at five billion dollars (or ten billion dollars depending on how the claim is constructed, though the two amounts seem to be duplicated).

How could he possibly justify such an inflated demand?

Well, Trump asserted that the BBC documentary at issue had made him suffer “extensive economic harms” and “injury to [his] business and personal reputation inflicted by [the BBC]… thereby causing massive economic damage to his brand value and significant damage and injury to his future financial prospects”.

He further pleaded that this damage resulted in “direct harm to his professional and occupational interests, including, without limitation, the value of his brand, properties, and businesses, and severe diminishment and tarnishing of his reputation as a politician, leader, and businessman in the eyes of the American public and around the world.”

This, of course, is all twaddle – preposterous flapdoodle.

But it served the immediate purpose of rendering plausible the amount demanded. It was not just harm to him personally, but to his business. There was not just economic harm, but “extensive” economic harm. There was not just economic damage but “massive” economic damage. And so on. The claim could not be put higher.

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Such bombast and bluster in support of an inflated claim has now brought problems to Trump, for the BBC did not fold but are defending the claim. Trump now has to evidence the claims of “extensive” and “massive” economic harm and damage.

The BBC are seeking discovery – disclosure – of documentation and other materials that are relevant to whether Trump has suffered any such economic harm and damage.

Discovery is an important pre-trial stage in any litigation case. What comes out in discovery will often make a break a claim or a defence, long before any trial date. No sensible plaintiff (as they are called in the United States, and still should be called here) should ever embark on a claim without an assessment of its own evidence base.

And similarly, no defendant should ever oppose a case hoping, Micawber-like, that something will come out in discovery. Discovery should always be a servant and not a master. But if a defendant is having to defend a case, discovery is a fair and effective weapon in the litigation arsenal.

Because of the wide-ranging claims of commercial damage, the BBC are entirely justified in seeking discovery of documents relevant to the claim. And such discovery is not limited to evidence in support or defence of the claim, but it covers any relevant material. The material does not even need to be admissible. The only exception is privileged documentation.

Trump does not want to disclose this evidence, even though the claimed damage is an element of the claim being brought. His lawyers resisted the application. His lawyers argued that the request is improper as well as disproportionate and unduly burdensome. The lawyers even said that such commercial damage could just be dealt with by a simple expert report at trial.

In essence, Trump and his lawyers were trapped between the broad terms of the initial claim and the direct consequences of those broad terms. What must have seemed a bright idea to force the BBC into early settlement is now a very real problem for them at this disclosure stage. They have to put up, else they may face a court order to shut up.

Because of the refusal to disclose the evidence, the matter went before the court. And in a readable and interesting Order, the judge sides completely with BBC. In paragraph after paragraph the judge hoists up Trump and their lawyers by their own petard.

This, of course, may not be the end of the case. Trump may appeal. Trump’s lawyers may come up with some ingenious device to get past this obstacle. Or the BBC may choose this moment to offer a face-saving sop to Trump so as to extract itself from this daft but dangerous litigation. This case is unlikely to have a clean break.

But until and unless something else happens, Trump and his lawyers have a problem – and it is a problem entirely of their own making.

Always prepare for trial.

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Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

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A judgment for the ages, and my Prospect article

17th July 2026

Do read this judgment – and my Prospect comment

Yesterday this blog published a post, but it had a borked link to the judgment mentioned. Although this was quickly corrected online, it meant those who only read emails would not have the link.

That judgment of the ages is here – and you really should read it in full.

And my Weekly Constitutional article at Prospect on the case is here.

I should be publishing a fuller post on here on the case soon.

Trump’s most extraordinary abuse of court comes to an end

16th July 2026

A judge has made a splendid Order, which should be read in full.

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There has never been a case like this one.

That is not just the view of some passing legal blogger, but of the judge herself. As Judge Kathleen M. Williams said in her latest, highly significant order:

“But perhaps the most startling misstatement advanced by Plaintiffs is their characterization of this case as “ordinary.” […] There is nothing “ordinary” about this case; it is the very definition of sui generis.”

Sui generis” is a legal phrase, meaning a thing is unique.

As a biologist would say, a thing has a genus all of its own.

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The case is, of course, the (supposed) litigation between President Trump and his own government, which was (supposedly) settled in a way so as to lead to a huge slush fund for political allies and wide ranging tax immunities for Trump.

And that has come to a halt, with this wonderful piece of legal writing, which you should read in full.

 

I will do a longer piece on here when I have fully recovered from an irksome illness, and thank you for your patience in the meantime.

The Trump slush fund appears to have been aborted – but the real problem about the ‘settlement’ remains

3rd June 2026

The root cause of this outrage is not addressed by this pruning

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The proposal for a ‘anti-weaponisation’ fund seems to have been dumped.

The acting Attorney General of the United States said at Congressional meeting yesterday that:

“We are not moving forward with the fund.”

Nor indeed moving in any direction with the fund.

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But the fund was a consequence of a more fundamental abuse of power which is still in place, and until that is hacked out there will be other problems.

As set out in previous posts, a contrived and inflated legal case was brought by Trump (and his son and his company) against the United States government, which was then purportedly ‘settled’ between the parties, though without court approval or even recognition.

The settlement – that is a contract – was then used as a legal basis to create rights and obligations of an extraordinary nature.

To allude to the eminent jurist Meat Loaf, one can do many things with settlement agreements, but one cannot do that.

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One provision of the supposed ‘settlement’ was the creation of the ‘anti-weaponisation’ slush fund to benefit various supporters of Trump. This audacious move now appears to have been aborted.

But other extraordinary provisions with a basis on what only a private contract are still in place.

This is an addendum to the supposed agreement:

This is a wide immunity for the plaintiffs – and others! – from more-or-less any action the United States treasury or revenue service could take against them. If the provision had effect, it would fetter the tax authorities, preventing them from doing a whole range of actions.

Such an immunity should, if it exists at all, have a solid legal basis – and should be approved or overseen by Congress.

But to base such an immunity on the shaky-flimsy basis of a private contract without any court recognition is, well, inappropriate.

One suspect that one purpose of the litigation was to get in place a ‘settlement’ agreement, where the opportunity would be taken to place wide-ranging obligations and restrictions on the tax authorities.

As reported in yesterday’s post the court has re-opened that litigation. If the litigation is now stuck out then there will not even be nominally a dispute, and without a supposed dispute there cannot be a settlement.

That would mean the above immunities would go too – to the extent they even exist at law.

So a lot still rides on what the court does with this re-opened case.

The slush fund seems to have gone, but will the rest of the ‘settlement’ go too?

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Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

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How a new court Order means Trump’s slush fund is now in peril

2nd June 2026

The judge has re-opened the supposed ‘settled’ case

In a significant development the court has now re-opened the litigation which had ended in the supposed ‘settlement’ of a slush fund for President Trump’s political supporters.

You may recall that this blog has previously covered this extraordinary case.

The story so far in essence:

– Trump (and his son and company) brought a largely contrived case against his own government for inflated damages of $10 billion;

– the court rightly doubted that this was an actual dispute between the parties, and so required further submissions on jurisdiction;

– just before the deadline for those submissions, Trump and his co-plaintiffs pulled their claim, leading the court to formally end the case;

– there was then a supposed “settlement” between the parties but without any court recognition which purported to set up a $1.776 billion slush fund and also to grant legal immunity for Trump and others;

– but this ‘settlement’ has been challenged by former Capitol police and also by a group of former federal judges.

Well, the action brought by the group of former federal judges has actually gained some traction.

The judge has now re-opened the case.

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Here is the online docket, and sometimes dockets are a form of poetry.

Online docket showing the case closing and reopening.

You can see on 18 May 2026 the case was closed, and then on 27-29 there was an application and then an Order to re-open the case.

You may recall from an earlier post that the former judges are attacking the ‘settlement’ from the perspective that there was an abuse of process in pulling the case and then purporting to settle it.

The judge now has re-opened the case, and she is now asking for even more submissions from the parties.

re-openedOrder asking for even more submissions from the parties

This places the parties in a far worse position than they were on the eve of the case being pulled. And here there seems to be no way out for the parties by trying to pull and ‘settle’ the case again. They have to come up with the submissions, else presumably the the case will be struck out.

You will see that those challenging the ‘settlement’ can, in turn, make submissions in reply.

This is a huge set-back for the parties setting up this slush-fund on the back of a ‘settlement’. If the case is struck out, there is nothing to settle, and so there cannot be any kind of ‘settlement’.

The rug is being pulled.

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There is so, so much wrong with this case, from every angle. It is like an implausible exam question for law students. This is not what litigation is for and this is not what settlements are for.

But at least now there is a chance for the court to self-correct the excesses of the parties, for if the case is struck out there cannot be a ‘settlement’ – either recognised by the court or otherwise.

Let’s keep watching.

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Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

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A super-injunction has been revealed

16th July 2025

A curious sequence of court judgments have just been published

Yesterday a raft of court judgments and other legal materials were published in respect of an extra-ordinary super-injunction.

And this was not just a super-injunction, it was also one against the world – contra-mundum.

This is heady stuff.

You can read the materials here.

I do not offer any quick hot-take as these things should be read properly, but at first glance they are fascinating.

More to come soon.

Solving the puzzle of why the case of Prince Harry and Lord Watson against News Group Newspapers came to its sudden end

You can contribute here so to enable more posts like this.

A third and final post about the ‘Lettuce before Action’ of Elizabeth Truss

18th January 2025

The final piece of evidence which shows, on balance, that it was not intended as a serious legal letter

So far this blog (here and here) has provided an immediate close reading of the libel letter sent by the former Prime Minister to the current Prime Minister, and yesterday it set out a more considered approach.

But there is one further thing which perhaps should be noted about the letter.

Let us look again at the first and final pages (which for reasons given in the previous points, I have taken out the letterhead of the law firm, though there is a reference to it on the the final page, which was unavoidable if I were to show the letter did not have a “wet ink” signature).

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There is something else missing, apart from the “wet ink” signature.

It is something which would normally be at the top of the first page, or maybe sometimes at the bottom of the last page.

The letter circulated to the media does not include any of the usual “furniture” of a legal letter: a reference number, the identity of the lawyer sending it, the email address for the recipient to respond to, and so on.

As this was a letter which explicitly was sent by email, then an email address for a response would be normal.

And given the law firm sending the letter lists three postal addresses for three offices, there would be a need at least for a file reference number or other identifying paraphernalia.

But there is nothing.

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Taken together with the evidence already detailed in the previous posts that this is a weak litigation letter, then this suggests one of the following scenarios:

1. the version of the letter sent did not have a “wet ink” signature, no reference number and no identifying information as to the lawyer and office which sent it;

2. the version circulated to the press was an unsigned “client copy” of the version of the letter sent, and the letter which was sent did have a reference number and identifying information as to the lawyer and office, and either Truss or someone in her circle leaked their “client copy” version of the letter;

3. the version sent and circulated to the press was not “leaked”, but was instead deliberately crafted and intended as a publicity version for release to the media, and so care was taken that this publicity version removed any identifying details.

Normally(!) the first option would the least likely, because it would odd indeed for a multi-office law firm (as opposed, say, to a High Street one-person firm) to have no identifying information whatsoever on a litigation letter for any reply to be directed to the right person.

Yet if it is the third option, then this would mean that the letter was never intended by Truss to be taken seriously by the recipient: it was always and entirely a media-political exercise.

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On balance, taking together both the muddled content (and lack of content) of the letter and the accumulation of telling details, this letter was never intended to be a credible litigation letter, it was always an exercise in publicity.

Your response to this may be (and perhaps should be) “duh, no surprise there, Sherlock” – but it is one thing to assert that a letter has no credible legal purpose, and another to demonstrate it could have no credible legal purpose, and to demonstrate on balance that it could have no credible legal purpose is what this short series of posts set out to do.

And, if so, it is an unwelcome development that lawyers’ letters are being. used for such a media-political purpose.

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Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

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Why the Truss “lettuce before action” is worse than you thought – and it has a worrying implication for free speech

17th January 2025

Before we start, the “lettuce before action” (for “letter before action”) line has been taken from the estimable Paul Magrath, whose weekly legal email is a must-read.

I really wish I had thought of the line for last week’s post.

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The post last week provided a quick close reading of the gloriously bad libel letter sent on behalf of the former Prime Minister Elizabeth Truss to the current Prime Minister Keir Starmer.

That post was done at speed: I wanted to respond to what the letter actually said, before I was aware of what others said it said. This is always the best way of engaging any formal document: work out what you can from reading the text yourself, before seeing what others tell you the text says.

This approach has its advantages – and also its disadvantages, not least that one can miss things others will see.

There was also the problem I did not then have access to the second page – though it was fun to speculate what could be on that second page.

This is now a more considered post, adding to the points made in the first post (which I think stands quite well), with the bonus of what seems to be the second page.

And for the reasons set out below, there is a worrying implication in the letter in respect of free expression. This is perhaps odd coming from a politician who often emphasises her free speech credentials.

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First, here is the full letter with what appears to be the second page (which has been taken with thanks from here):

 

 

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The second page, which I speculated must have contained all what was missing from the other pages, in fact adds nothing substantial to the letter.

Here it is again:

But, for completeness, the second page tells us that the words complained of were not said in parliament and so there is no issue of the absolute privilege for what is said in parliament (paragraph [7] and the footnotes to paragraph [4]).

And Paragraph [9] somehow manages to weaken what is already a very weak letter.

We already knew that this was a “cease-and-desist” letter that somehow did not set out what would happen if the recipient did not cease and desist. Paragraph [9] now sets out the sender is not even demanding a legal remedy at all.

In litigation terms, paragraph [9] should have instead been in an accompanying “without prejudice” proposing an offer for a compromised outcome. But for some reason it was included in, and thereby undermines, the “open” letter that would be placed before the court when the matter came to trial. It is a strange inclusion in such a letter.

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As set out last week, this libel threat is poor.

It is perhaps the weakest libel threat ever sent by an English law firm.

That said, it is in my view just about within the scope that a law firm could properly send, given very precise instructions.

But those very precise instruction would have to be to the effect of “send the weakest litigation letter you can”.

And so for that reason, I am not making a point of mentioning the law firm.

We should not visit the sins of a client upon a lawyer, and Truss – like you and me – is entitled to legal representation.

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Now are some further, more considered observations on the letter.

Notice the bulk of the letter is concerned with the appended expert’s report, including – impressively – a paragraph [16] with seven(!) sub-paragraphs.

This bulk makes the letter rather lop-sided.

The “legal” bits of the letter are nowhere near as detailed as the “economic” bits.

The impression this gives is that the origin of the letter was probably this report, which was then given to lawyers with the instruction of somehow building a legal letter on top of it.

The letter was thereby likely to be a device for promoting the content of the report, which it certainly did.

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And this then probably explains the existence of this letter.

As was set out last week, it is an utter failure as a libel threat.

Although – with a squint – one can see that it just about meets the requirements of a legal letter, it is plain that was not its purpose.

(And perhaps one error last week was for this blog to treat it earnestly, on its own terms, as a legal letter.)

It is not a serious legal document, but a political and media document.

And contrary to the “Private and Confidential” marking on its front page, it would appear that the intention of the client (if not of the law firm, who would have no control of the matter) was for it to be leaked and published.

That this is the case is further evidenced by the circulated version being unsigned.

For while some legal letters are not signed, and there is no strict requirement for an “ink” signature as such, it is also often the case that the client copies of correspondence are also not signed, just the letter which is actually sent.

It would seem that the letter must have been leaked either by the client or someone in her circle.

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As regards the expert report, a number of commenters have focused on the identity of the expert.

But it does not matter if the economist’s report on which the letter was relying was by John Maynard Keynes or Adam Smith.

It made no sense to rely on an expert’s report in respect of facts which the same letter also said were “clear”.

That is not what expert reports are for in civil litigation.

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And now we come to the possible implication of the letter for free expression.

Reading the letter as a whole, including the now non-missing page two, the threat made against the Prime Minister could be made by her against any person at all who said the words complained of.

There is nothing in the letter which would limit the alleged liability to the Prime Minister for saying those words.

Generally libel is blind to the identity and motives of the person who “publishes” the words – in this case says words reported in the media.

The framing of the letter is such that any person who published the words complained of would be liable to Truss for general damages.

The letter is addressed to Starmer, but it describes a claim Truss could also make against world.

Fortunately this letter is so hopeless that nobody will end up with legal liability.

But the premise of the letter is an extraordinary widening of legal liability for political speech, catching many political speech-acts on social media and other published media which most be people would assume was part of their everyday free speech in criticising Truss for what she did with the economy.

Given that the sender often promotes her belief in free speech, this is perhaps further evidence that the content of this letter was not really thought-through by Truss, beyond being the means of widely circulating a certain favourable (but probably legally inadmissible) report.

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The Prime Minister gave what must be the most appropriate response to this letter in PMQs on Wednesday.

“I got a letter this week from a Tory voter in a Labour seat.

“I hope that they do not mind me saying who it was—it was Liz Truss.

“It was not written in green ink, but it might as well have been.

“She was complaining that saying she had crashed the economy was damaging her reputation.

“It was actually crashing the economy that damaged her reputation.”

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There has been no announcement of any formal reply by Starmer to the letter, which is not surprising given the letter did not ask for a reply, still less (remarkably for a supposed cease-and-desist letter) demand any undertakings, and the letter also did not include any deadline.

Truss, however, seems to want to have the last word.

On X (previously Twitter) she responded to the Prime Minister’s jibe:

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Here, if Truss sincerely thinks accusing someone of crashing the economy is defamatory (subject to any defences), then she is with her “closer to home” comments herself defaming someone else in turn.

But at least she put “cease and desist” letter in ironic quotes.

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Politicians and others (and their lawyers) should always be careful in using any litigation documents – from letters before action to third party submissions – for the purposes of publicity.

Judges certainly do not like it.

And if done badly, you also end up looking very silly.

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At Substack, last week’s post on Truss has now overtaken the post on Taylor Swift to become the second most popular post ever published on that blog.

And this is fitting in a way.

For an alternative title for this post could have been: “Litigation (Liz Truss’s Version)”.

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Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

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Of Indictments and Impeachments, and of Donald Trump – two similar words for two distinct things

16th January 2025

Over at Prospect, for this my “weekly constitutional” post I have done something on why the ultimate fault for Trump not being held to account for what he did on 6 January four years ago is not with the failed, now effectively out-of-time prosecution, but with the fact it was not dealt with properly by the Senate when Trump was impeached.

This was something which should have been dealt with by impeachment, not indictment.

It was the wrong i———ment word.

This is not to say there are not problems with the prosecution, and I mentioned some of these in a post here a couple of days ago, when the special prosecutor’s report was published.

But.

Even taking the prosecution at its highest, it was wrong tool for the job.

When the Senate acquitted Trump over what he did on 6 January 2021 and so did not disqualify him from office (a political and not a legal sanction), all else followed.

What Trump did on 6 January 2021 also fitted various general criminal offences according to the published report, but that was incidental.

It was essentially a political wrong – and so it should have been dealt with by political means.

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Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

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