How a county council has obtained an injunction against those hoisting flags on the public highway

24th June 2026

A guided tour of the High Court injunction against “persons unknown”

UPDATE – since the post below, the Council has now published other legal documents regarding the injunction here.

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Yesterday it was reported that Oxfordshire County Council had obtained a High Court injunction against those placing St George’s flags on the public highway.

This followed the earlier news of the council’s application.

The council itself published a helpful and detailed post on the injunction on its own site, which is worth reading in full (excerpt below).

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This blog has now obtained a copy of the Order of the High Court, and it sets out below what the Order says and what can be inferred about the case from the Order.

Although the Order is a public document, and so can by obtained by anyone reading this post, this blog does not propose to publish the Order in full as it names various natural persons, and this is not the sort of legal blog to name natural persons caught up in litigation unless necessary. This blog is more concerned with the legal issues.

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THE PARTIES

The applicant for the Order was, of course, the council.

The respondents were four named individuals, but also as a fifth respondent “persons unknown” who are

“intending to

(i) attach flags to highway structures or mark flags on the highway in the county of Oxfordshire,

(ii) harass members of Oxfordshire County Council or

(iii) obstruct or harass employees or contractors of Oxfordshire County Council involved in the removal of flags from highway structures”

The Order is thereby only against the “persons unknown” as three of the four named respondents all gave undertakings to the court on the terms of the injunction, and the fourth respondent indicated that they too would give an undertaking.

An undertaking generally has the same legal consequences for a party as an injunction, and with similar sanctions for breach. A court will often allow a respondent an opportunity to give an undertaking in lieu of an injunction, and that is what happened here. The four named respondents will be as bound legally by their undertakings, as if an injunction was made.

(And giving an undertaking has beneficial costs consequences for the respondent, rather than them refusing and requiring the court to make the respondent to be a party to an Order.)

That the Order was still required despite the undertakings was because of the “persons unknown” element.

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THE MAKING OF THE ORDER

The Order was made by Mr Justice Dexter Dias of the King’s Bench Division of the High Court, and it was sealed on 23 June 2026.

The Order does not refer to any particular legislation (for example highways legislation) under which the Order is made, and so it may be presumed that it is under the general jurisdiction of the High Court.

And although the claimant is a public body, it appears that the Order was made not by the Administrative Court, but by the (general) King’s Bench Division of the High Court which deals with (general) civil and private law matters.

It is an interim Order, and there is a further hearing listed for 9 July 2026. This means that, in theory, this Order is not the end of the matter and that the Order “holds the ring” (to use the usual phrase) until the claim of the council can be tried. In practice, however, many claims end once an interim Order has been secured.

When making such an interim Order, a court usually has to have regard to the “balance of convenience” of the parties, and here the court says expressly that it found the balance of convenience against “persons unknown”.

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WHAT IS ORDERED?

Until a trial takes place (which may or may not take place), or until the court orders differently, “persons unknown” (as defined above in a quote):

“shall not:

(a) attach any flag or cause any flag to be attached to any highway structure;

(b) paint or mark any flag on any of the highways;

(c) obstruct the Claimant’s officers or contractors from removing flags from highway structures;

(d) cause harassment, alarm or distress to the Claimant’s members or to officers or contractors of the Claimant who are or have been involved in the removal of flags from highway structures, including the decision to remove them.

(2) Persons unknown (as defined above) shall not encourage any other person to act in away prohibited by [the paragraph above].

If “persons unknown” do any of these things they will be in contempt of court, which may mean imprisonment or a fine, or the seizure of assets. This is set out in the important penal notice on the front page of the Order.

The “highway” and “highway structures” are defined in the Order as follows:

“In this Order (1) references to highways are to highways in the County of Oxfordshire for which the Claimant is the highway authority; (2) “highway structures” means lampposts, lighting columns, street signs, trees, barriers, railings and other physical structures in the highways.”

As such, this Order does not cover the placing of flags on any private property.

The Order does not mention any points about freedom of expression or expressly conduct any balancing exercise under the Human Rights Act. It looks like it was treated as a straight private law claim by the council.

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HOW ARE “PERSONS UNKNOWN” TO BE BOUND BY THE ORDER?

This raises an obvious question of how are “persons unknown” to be made aware of this Order? The general rule is that a person cannot be bound by an Order unless they have notice of it. This notice can be actual notice or what is called constructive notice.

The Order deals with this as follows (hyperlink added):

Service of the claim form and this Order on persons unknown (the Fifth Defendant)

Pursuant to CPR rr 6.15 and 6.27 the claim form, interim injunction application and this Order shall be served on the person unknown by the following means:

(1) The Claimant shall set up a dedicated webpage on its website giving access to the claim form, particulars of claim, supporting evidence, and this Order.

(2) The Claimant shall notify the groups known as Raise the Colours, Raise the Colours Oxfordshire and Oxfordshire Flying Squad of this Order by email, giving notice that the documents relating to the claim and this Order have been placed online and providing a link to the relevant webpage.

(3) The Claimant shall publish details of the claim and Order on LinkedIn, Bluesky, Facebook, Nextdoor, WhatsApp and the Claimant’s fortnightly newsletter for residents “Your Oxfordshire” and the Claimant’s news page with links to the relevant webpage.

The claim form shall be deemed served on the Fifth Defendant 3 days after steps (1) to (3) above have been completed, which shall be done by 4pm on 24 June 2026.”

(Interestingly paragraph (3) does not include X, formerly Twitter.)

The council does not appear to have set up a dedicated webpage yet, but this blog will add a link to it when it does.

A guidance note to the Order adds:

“Effect of this Order

A Defendant who is an individual (including persons unknown) who is ordered not to do something must not do it himself or in any other way. He must not do it through others acting on his behalf or on his instructions or with his encouragement.

A Defendant which is not an individual (including persons unknown) which is ordered not to do something must not do it itself or by its directors, officers, partners, employees or agents or in any other way.

Parties other than the Claimant and Defendant

Effect of this order

It is a contempt of court for any person notified of this Order knowingly to assist in or permit a breach of this Order. Any person doing so may be sent to prison, fined or have their assets seized.”

And so it is by a combination of the Order and the Council doing what it can to publicise the Order that “persons unknown” are to be bound by the Order.

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Given this appears to be an Order of the High Court in respect of its general jurisdiction in respect of a general private law claim, it would seem what Oxfordshire County Council has done here could be done, in principle, by any other local authority.

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This page will be updated as more material is available.

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Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

More on the comments policy is here.

Why Melania Trump’s statement is a fascinating exercise in text and performance

10 April 2026

Hello and welcome to The Empty City blog, the new name of which is explained here.

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A close reading of an odd public statement

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Yesterday Melania Trump made an unexpected public statement.

The statement in its circumstances was odd. There was no formal requirement for her to make the statement, and there also seemed no particular reason for her to make the statement. The statement was not, for example, a response to any known media or legal development.

For viewers – and for many in Washington, it seems – the statement was out of the blue.

It was, in a word, odd.

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This blog has no particular focus on Epstein and so on. There are many other online resources for anyone taking a close interest in the release (and non-release) of the Epstein files. This blog also is not concerned with the various documents and supposed documents and other material that may or may not connect Melania Trump with Jeffrey Epstein.

But this blog does like a good close reading.

And so what can we say (and not say) about this particular text in performance?

Let us explore.

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We shall start with the text.

It was a prepared text.

It was also as text which, at least in part, was very carefully drafted to deal with certain potential issues of legal liability and to explain (and explain away) certain pieces of evidence. The text indicates that it was put together, at least in part, by someone skilled and experienced in drafting.

One should not under-estimate Melania Trump (or indeed anyone in public life) and, but for her performance of the text, one could readily assume that she may have drafted the text herself.

As the text engages with issues of potential legal liability not expressly stated in the text, one can perhaps discount that it was written by ChatGPT or some other generative AI. Some generative AI can be very plausible indeed – including for formal and legal texts – but usually not about things which are not also stated in the text.

The impression conveyed by the text is that it was authored by someone skilled in drafting sensitive statements.

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So if it was a prepared text then when was it prepared and for what purpose.

The immediate assumption of many (including in the media) is that the statement was prepared for the purpose of this performance.

That may well be the case.

But it may also be the case that the statement (or an earlier version of it) was prepared earlier for another purpose and perhaps for publication or for reading to an inquiry, rather than to be read to camera.

It reads as a statement to be circulated. It was not a statement well suited to be read out to camera.

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Melania Trump, as anyone who saw the footage saw, seemed unfamiliar with the text.

She stumbles over certain words, some of which were significant and, if anything, required emphasis.

This stumbling indicates (but does not prove) that she was not the author of the text.

(That English is not her first language is not a relevant point here: there are many for whom English is not a first language who would not stumble in these circumstances.)

Of course, the stumbling may just be nerves – and who would not be nervous in such circumstances – but it is more likely to indicate a lack of familiarity with she was reading.

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The stumbling also indicates (but does not prove) that the performance was not prepared for or rehearsed.

If so, such a lack of preparation or rehearsal contrasts with the careful composition of the text.

If a carefully drafted text is intended for performance then one can presume that similar effort is put into the performance as the text. (Unless the performer is (over-)confident in not need preparation or rehearsal.)

This therefore indicates (but does not prove) that the text was not intended for this particular performance.

The impression is that the performance to camera was a late decision and a pre-existing text was used for the performance.

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But, if it is correct that the text was drafted by a legal or other adviser then we come to a tension, if not a contradiction.

For it is hard to see what competent and prudent legal or other adviser would have advised her to volunteer this statement, out of the blue.

A competent and prudent legal or other adviser would presumably say that unless there is a formal requirement or other pressing reason to make such a statement, then it would be wiser not to make a statement.

And so we have what looks like a statement put together (at least in part) by an adviser performed in circumstances which no sensible adviser would advise that it be performed.

Odd.

Perhaps the statement is to to (p)rebut an impending legal or media development and if so, all will become clear.

But on the basis of this text in its performance, it was a curious thing.

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Overall, the impression conveyed is that this is an exercise in crisis management (hence the well-prepared text) broken-off mid-flow in an unexpected way.

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This post is also cross posted at The Empty City substack, which is run in parallel with this blog.

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Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

More on the comments policy is here.

On Mandelson’s emails – how to think about disclosed documentary evidence

3rd February 2026

You probably have seen the disclosures of the emails purportedly from Lord Mandelson from when he was business secretary.

On the face of it, these emails raise serious questions which warrant further enquiry and investigation.

(And if you want speculation about legal liability this really is not the blog for you.)

There are also questions we can ask of this documentary evidence, and observations that we can perhaps make.

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First of all: no documentary evidence exists in a vacuum.

Every text has, well, a context.

(Think about the words text and context.)

The Epstein files are not a disinterested archive.

The documents were collected for a purpose and were stored for a purpose.

According to the relevant legislation, the disclosed documents comprise “all unclassified records, documents, communications, and investigative materials in DOJ’s possession that relate to the investigation and prosecution of Jeffrey Epstein”.

So one question that can be asked of the documents disclosed so far is: do they explain the prosecutorial decisions (and also the defense and any judicial decisions) in respect of the “the investigation and prosecution of Jeffrey Epstein”?

If there is a gap between what has been disclosed and what these documents need to explain, then one can get a sense of what documents have not (yet) been disclosed (whether for good reasons or bad).

Of each document one should ask: how does this document relate to “the investigation and prosecution of Jeffrey Epstein”?

For if the document does not relate to the that investigation and prosecution, then it should not have been collected, and it would not have been disclosed.

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From a cynical perspective, there is always corruption in and around government.

What seems to have been revealed with these United Kingdom disclosures emails is clumsiness and arrogance.

A less clumsy and less arrogant approach would have meant such emails never existing.

Westminster and Whitehall is full of leaks: off the record briefings and so on.

There is complex and thriving entire unofficial information economy in SW1.

The sort of state information seemingly forwarded by Mandelson to Epstein is similar to documents which are routinely forwarded or briefed to journalists and advisers and lobbyists and researchers and think tanks.

“Sources close to….”

“Friends of…”

“Whitehall insiders say…”

Such unauthorised communications and disclosure are rife in Westminster and Whitehall.

What Lord Mandelson appears to have done is an especially significant breach involving highly market sensitive information.

But if so, its significance is really of scale, and not of type.

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There appears to be many documents covered by the Epstein files disclosure legislation that, contrary to the terms of the statute, have not been disclosed.

No government discloses adverse information easily or voluntarily, or indeed often at all.

Especially if, as with the Trump administration, there is a generally casual and indeed defiant attitude towards mandatory legislation and court orders.

Maybe there will inadvertent disclosure of documents that will seriously damage the Trump presidency, if such documents actually exist.

But it is difficult to believe that the (current) federal government would knowingly disclose such documents, regardless of what the courts and Congress say.

Little or nothing, however, can stop a government disclosing documents that adversely affect others.

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Every document has a context, and every disclosure also has a context.

And so the questions to always ask are:

– what does the document relate to, and what does it not relate to?

and

– why was this document disclosed – now and by whom and for what purpose?

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Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

More on the comments policy is here.

How the BBC censored the line that Trump is “the most openly corrupt president in American history”

30th November 2025

 

 

The British Broadcasting Corporation’s Reith Lectures are prestigious things, a highlight of the broadcasting year.

The 2025 lecturer is Rutger Bregman.

The first of this year’s lectures is available to listen here and there is a BBC transcript of that lecture here.

But there is something missing from the broadcast lecture and the transcript.

The broadcast lecture and the published transcript are not a complete and accurate record of what was actually said.

What is missing – edited out by the BBC – is a single line.

The line is that Donald Trump is “the most openly corrupt president in American history”.

As a special treat for those who are kind enough to pay for subscriptions for this blog, I have done a close look at those “legal reasons” from an English media law perspective.

You can read it on Substack here and on Patreon here.

If you financially support this blog by other means (eg PayPal), leave a comment below (which will not be published) and I can either add you as a complementary subscriber or send the post to your email address.

“Words and Things” – a comment on three recent turns-of-phrase by Donald Trump and Elon Musk

26th June 2025

Three recent turns-of-phrase are perhaps worth a comment before they are forgotten.

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The first is from Elon Musk, about the “big beautiful” tax bill before Congress:

The phrase which caught the eye was “disgusting abomination”.

You see, abominations are inherently disgusting.

Either the bill is “disgusting” or it is an “abomination”, but there is no need to say both.

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The second is also from Elon Musk:

The key phrase here is “entire corpus of”.

Either “entirety of” or “corpus of” would have done, but again there is no need to say both.

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The third is from Donald Trump:

“Iran’s key nuclear enrichment facilities have been completely and totally obliterated.”

Here saying “obliterated” would have been enough.

Saying “completely” – though intended to intensify only weakened the impact of “obliterated”.

Adding “totally” as a further intensifier weakened it yet further.

There was no need to say all three words.

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All of these examples show a lack of attention to what words mean.

Each example is by itself unexceptional, almost trivial. We all make mistakes, etc – and this blog is not perfect, etc.

But taken together, with scores of other similar examples from Trump, Musk and other senior figures in the United States administration, it shows a casual relationship between words and the things those words describe.

Words are just for effect.

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Trump emphasising “completely and totally” indeed suggested a lack of confidence that the facilities had indeed been “obliterated”.

A lack of confidence which accorded with later news reports:

Trump did not take this correction well and so, despite his ‘free speech’ postures, he called for the journalist to be sacked:

(Note the “like a dog”.)

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One purpose of this blog is to send postcards from the here-and-now, so that there is documentation of how things seemed at the time.

And at this time, many politicians use words – like a real-life version of Artificial Intelligence slop – with little or no correspondence to meaning.

Perhaps politicians have always done this – and no doubt one or two will want to reply to this post saying so.

But it has now got to the stage where one can instantly dismiss what is being said because the politician is saying too much.

Had Trump said the facilities had been obliterated, it may have perhaps seemed credible.

But the addition of both intensifiers immediately discredited the proposition.

And so any useful meaning was, well, obliterated.

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Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

More on the comments policy is here.

A close reading of the “AI” fake cases judgment

Solving the puzzle of why the case of Prince Harry and Lord Watson against News Group Newspapers came to its sudden end

You can contribute here so to enable more posts like this.

Spiteful governments and simple contract law, a weak threatening letter, and a warning of a regulatory battle ahead

13th January 2025

Some things from last week you may have missed.

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The weekly constitutional

Last week I expected my blogging to centre around a post I was preparing for Prospect, where my regular contribution is to branded as ‘weekly constitutional’.

This pleasing badge implies a weekly meander – but it will be one based on a recent (or non-recent) published case report. The aim is to use that judgment or other decision to show how law and action work – and do not work – in practice.

The first ‘weekly constitutional was about a significant United Kingdom Supreme Court decision that was handed down in November but which got almost no press attention (the main honourable exception was in the estimable Byline Times).

In the unanimous decision the Supreme Court justices undid a grossly spiteful attack by the then coalition government on public sector trades unions not by resorting to elaborate employment law provisions, but by applying a contract law rule so simple it is the stuff of the first weeks of any law degree.

I liked doing that post – please read it here – and I hope you will follow the ‘weekly constitutional’ post. I will post here and alert you to them, perhaps expanding on certain points.

But that post got rather drowned by the attention received by two other things that I wrote last week.

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‘Lettuce before Action’

I so wish I had thought of the above line, but it was coined by the peerless Paul Magrath, whose weekly law email is a must-read – you can subscribe here.

This is about, of course, the antics of a former Prime Minister – and indeed a former Lord High Chancellor – in sending a legal letter to the current Prime Minister.

A letter so weak it may well be the weakest threatening letter ever sent by a United Kingdom law firm.

The ‘close reading’ post I did – here – was done very quickly and promptly, and indeed so promptly that I even had to set out why as a matter of copyright and confidentiality I was entitled to publish the letter so as to comment on it.

Since the publication, the former Prime Minister has been widely ridiculed for this misfired missive – but I think there may be something more worth saying about the letter – and so I may do a post with further reflections.

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Back in the salmon pink

Last week I was also invited to write something about about social media regulation for the Financial Times.

It is always lovely to write for what – in my biased but honest opinion – is the best newspaper, though it is always terrifyingly daunting to be published alongside proper commentators.

(Lucy Kellaway is my all-time favourite columnist in any newspaper anywhere.)

So I wrote one thing, about the inherent difficulties about regulating social media – some of which will be familiar to long-term readers here.

And is often the case, new ideas come out once you actually start something, and so I wrote a second thing about what I say as the rational drivers behind what Meta announced last week. This was based on actually listening carefully to what Mark Zuckerberg has said in his broadcast – and then reading that prepared statement even more carefully (which led to the all-important satisfying “Aha!” moment).

The two pieces were then banged into one longer piece with an overall, hopefully coherent structure.

And the resulting ‘essay’ was published in the print edition and online on Saturday.

For reasons of topicality, more than the quality of the writing, the piece became very popular.

The Bluesky stats for the article matched my Brexit posts on Twitter at the height of Brexit when I had five times as many followers.

The piece was even briefly one of the top five read FT.com pieces globally.

The sensation of this happening is not altogether pleasant.

But perhaps the one merit of the piece was that it offered an explanation for something which seemed otherwise hard to explain in rational terms.

Essentially the argument offered by the piece was:

(a) Meta has an interest in switching to a more confrontational approach with irksome foreign regulators, especially in the European Union,

(b) Meta now has an opportunity to do this because of the reelection of Donald Trump to the United States presidency,

but (c) this does not show strength but weakness, for in those foreign jurisdictions, the platforms know the respective state has the ultimate power of legal recognition.

And so this is why Meta now needs a strategic ally in the US government – and everything else follows from that.

This seemed obvious from Zuckerberg’s statement – but because it was slipped in a point number six after five rather attention-grabbing other points, but did not get the attention it should have had.

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Litigation and regulatory strategies are fascinating – in particular, where the surface theatrics of impulsiveness, hypocrisy and recklessness misdirect onlookers into thinking the underlying commercial (or political) objectives are similarly irrational.

Even Liz Truss’s letter makes sense – but solely from a political-media perspective, and not any legal perspective.

Perhaps I should write that further piece on that letter, if only to use that ‘Lettuce before Action’ line as a title.

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A close look at Truss’s legal threat to Starmer – a glorious but seemingly hopeless cease-and-desist letter

9th January 2025

How Taylor Swift’s endorsement of Harris and Walz is a masterpiece of persuasive prose: a songwriter’s practical lesson in written advocacy

11th September 2024

Taylor Swift has endorsed the Democratic nominees Kamala Harris and Tim Walz.

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Politically and culturally the endorsement is significant, but this is not really a political or cultural blog.

This is, however, a blog that sometimes provides close readings of key documents, and there are things about the endorsement that are perhaps worth noticing and remarking upon.

In essence: this endorsement is a masterpiece of practical written advocacy, and many law schools would do well to put it before their students.

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Look carefully at the first three paragraphs – especially the use of the first person “I” and “me/my” and the second person “you” (emphasis added):

“Like many of youI watched the debate tonight. If you haven’t already, now is a great time to do your research on the issues at hand and the stances these candidates take on the topics that matter to you the most. As a voter, I make sure to watch and read everything I can about their proposed policies and plans for this country.

“Recently was made aware that AI of ‘me’ falsely endorsing Donald Trump’s presidential run was posted to his site. It really conjured up my fears around AI, and the dangers of spreading misinformation. It brought me to the conclusion that I need to be very transparent about my actual plans for this election as a voter. The simplest way to combat misinformation is with the truth.

I will be casting my vote for Kamala Harris and Tim Walz in the 2024 Presidential Election. I’m voting for @kamalaharris because she fights for the rights and causes I believe need a warrior to champion them. I think she is a steady-handed, gifted leader and I believe we can accomplish so much more in this country if we are led by calm and not chaos. I was so heartened and impressed by her selection of running mate @timwalz, who has been standing up for LGBTQ+ rights, IVF, and a woman’s right to her own body for decades.”

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In the first paragraph, she ensures that she identifies with you the reader – “Like many of you [comma]” and “As a voter [comma]”.

There are four “yous” in that first paragraph: you, you, you, you.

You are already half-nodding along. You and Swift have common ground.

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In the second paragraph, she then describes things of personal concern – but here she avoids putting “I” at the start of any sentence. This makes it look that she is describing the situation objectively.

She deftly – and convincingly – justifies making a political endorsement. The sentences “It brought me to the conclusion that I need to be very transparent about my actual plans for this election as a voter. The simplest way to combat misinformation is with the truth.” are perfectly reasonable.

Two premises leading to a “conclusion”, and in just one paragraph.

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You will see that so far she has avoided starting any sentence with “I”.

And then, with the third paragraph, wham.

The first sentence beginning with “I” is the actual endorsement.

And then every sentence in the third paragraph begins with I: bam bam bam.

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Also, like any good advocate, Swift is careful to make the listener or reader feel that it is their own decision to make, and again this is skilfully done:

I’ve done my research, and I’ve made my choice. Your research is all yours to do, and the choice is yours to make.”

Note the rhythm: I, I, you, you, you.

The most effective persuasion is often to lead the listener or reader to making their own decision – and to make them feel they are making their own decision.

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Finally, the pay-off: the thing that will linger.

The reader is already half-aware of what is coming, because of the photograph.

A good pay-off is often a call-back – and here, cleverly, the call-back is to the visual clue the reader would have registered before even reading.

“With love and hope,

Taylor Swift
Childless Cat Lady”

This is, of course, a swipe and a blow against J. D. Vance, the Republican vice presidential nominee.

And so Swift mocks the Lilliputian.

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Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

More on the comments policy is here.