Why Melania Trump’s statement is a fascinating exercise in text and performance

10 April 2026

Hello and welcome to The Empty City blog, the new name of which is explained here.

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A close reading of an odd public statement

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Yesterday Melania Trump made an unexpected public statement.

The statement in its circumstances was odd. There was no formal requirement for her to make the statement, and there also seemed no particular reason for her to make the statement. The statement was not, for example, a response to any known media or legal development.

For viewers – and for many in Washington, it seems – the statement was out of the blue.

It was, in a word, odd.

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This blog has no particular focus on Epstein and so on. There are many other online resources for anyone taking a close interest in the release (and non-release) of the Epstein files. This blog also is not concerned with the various documents and supposed documents and other material that may or may not connect Melania Trump with Jeffrey Epstein.

But this blog does like a good close reading.

And so what can we say (and not say) about this particular text in performance?

Let us explore.

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We shall start with the text.

It was a prepared text.

It was also as text which, at least in part, was very carefully drafted to deal with certain potential issues of legal liability and to explain (and explain away) certain pieces of evidence. The text indicates that it was put together, at least in part, by someone skilled and experienced in drafting.

One should not under-estimate Melania Trump (or indeed anyone in public life) and, but for her performance of the text, one could readily assume that she may have drafted the text herself.

As the text engages with issues of potential legal liability not expressly stated in the text, one can perhaps discount that it was written by ChatGPT or some other generative AI. Some generative AI can be very plausible indeed – including for formal and legal texts – but usually not about things which are not also stated in the text.

The impression conveyed by the text is that it was authored by someone skilled in drafting sensitive statements.

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So if it was a prepared text then when was it prepared and for what purpose.

The immediate assumption of many (including in the media) is that the statement was prepared for the purpose of this performance.

That may well be the case.

But it may also be the case that the statement (or an earlier version of it) was prepared earlier for another purpose and perhaps for publication or for reading to an inquiry, rather than to be read to camera.

It reads as a statement to be circulated. It was not a statement well suited to be read out to camera.

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Melania Trump, as anyone who saw the footage saw, seemed unfamiliar with the text.

She stumbles over certain words, some of which were significant and, if anything, required emphasis.

This stumbling indicates (but does not prove) that she was not the author of the text.

(That English is not her first language is not a relevant point here: there are many for whom English is not a first language who would not stumble in these circumstances.)

Of course, the stumbling may just be nerves – and who would not be nervous in such circumstances – but it is more likely to indicate a lack of familiarity with she was reading.

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The stumbling also indicates (but does not prove) that the performance was not prepared for or rehearsed.

If so, such a lack of preparation or rehearsal contrasts with the careful composition of the text.

If a carefully drafted text is intended for performance then one can presume that similar effort is put into the performance as the text. (Unless the performer is (over-)confident in not need preparation or rehearsal.)

This therefore indicates (but does not prove) that the text was not intended for this particular performance.

The impression is that the performance to camera was a late decision and a pre-existing text was used for the performance.

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But, if it is correct that the text was drafted by a legal or other adviser then we come to a tension, if not a contradiction.

For it is hard to see what competent and prudent legal or other adviser would have advised her to volunteer this statement, out of the blue.

A competent and prudent legal or other adviser would presumably say that unless there is a formal requirement or other pressing reason to make such a statement, then it would be wiser not to make a statement.

And so we have what looks like a statement put together (at least in part) by an adviser performed in circumstances which no sensible adviser would advise that it be performed.

Odd.

Perhaps the statement is to to (p)rebut an impending legal or media development and if so, all will become clear.

But on the basis of this text in its performance, it was a curious thing.

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Overall, the impression conveyed is that this is an exercise in crisis management (hence the well-prepared text) broken-off mid-flow in an unexpected way.

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This post is also cross posted at The Empty City substack, which is run in parallel with this blog.

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This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

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On Mandelson’s emails – how to think about disclosed documentary evidence

3rd February 2026

You probably have seen the disclosures of the emails purportedly from Lord Mandelson from when he was business secretary.

On the face of it, these emails raise serious questions which warrant further enquiry and investigation.

(And if you want speculation about legal liability this really is not the blog for you.)

There are also questions we can ask of this documentary evidence, and observations that we can perhaps make.

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First of all: no documentary evidence exists in a vacuum.

Every text has, well, a context.

(Think about the words text and context.)

The Epstein files are not a disinterested archive.

The documents were collected for a purpose and were stored for a purpose.

According to the relevant legislation, the disclosed documents comprise “all unclassified records, documents, communications, and investigative materials in DOJ’s possession that relate to the investigation and prosecution of Jeffrey Epstein”.

So one question that can be asked of the documents disclosed so far is: do they explain the prosecutorial decisions (and also the defense and any judicial decisions) in respect of the “the investigation and prosecution of Jeffrey Epstein”?

If there is a gap between what has been disclosed and what these documents need to explain, then one can get a sense of what documents have not (yet) been disclosed (whether for good reasons or bad).

Of each document one should ask: how does this document relate to “the investigation and prosecution of Jeffrey Epstein”?

For if the document does not relate to the that investigation and prosecution, then it should not have been collected, and it would not have been disclosed.

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From a cynical perspective, there is always corruption in and around government.

What seems to have been revealed with these United Kingdom disclosures emails is clumsiness and arrogance.

A less clumsy and less arrogant approach would have meant such emails never existing.

Westminster and Whitehall is full of leaks: off the record briefings and so on.

There is complex and thriving entire unofficial information economy in SW1.

The sort of state information seemingly forwarded by Mandelson to Epstein is similar to documents which are routinely forwarded or briefed to journalists and advisers and lobbyists and researchers and think tanks.

“Sources close to….”

“Friends of…”

“Whitehall insiders say…”

Such unauthorised communications and disclosure are rife in Westminster and Whitehall.

What Lord Mandelson appears to have done is an especially significant breach involving highly market sensitive information.

But if so, its significance is really of scale, and not of type.

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There appears to be many documents covered by the Epstein files disclosure legislation that, contrary to the terms of the statute, have not been disclosed.

No government discloses adverse information easily or voluntarily, or indeed often at all.

Especially if, as with the Trump administration, there is a generally casual and indeed defiant attitude towards mandatory legislation and court orders.

Maybe there will inadvertent disclosure of documents that will seriously damage the Trump presidency, if such documents actually exist.

But it is difficult to believe that the (current) federal government would knowingly disclose such documents, regardless of what the courts and Congress say.

Little or nothing, however, can stop a government disclosing documents that adversely affect others.

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Every document has a context, and every disclosure also has a context.

And so the questions to always ask are:

– what does the document relate to, and what does it not relate to?

and

– why was this document disclosed – now and by whom and for what purpose?

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Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

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Trump v the BBC cont’d: an odd and desperate letter from the US media regulator

22nd November 2025

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The BBC’s depressing lack of inherent institutional strength

10th November 2025

The BBC needs to be a robust, independent institution

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The British (or Bullied) Broadcasting Corporation is suffering another kicking.

Of course, the BBC is not perfect, and nor is its ultimate legal method of funding, which relies on the criminal law and a prohibition on using television sets without a licence (ie, permission) from the state.

That the criminal law is involved at all in this area is a wrong and something to which this blog may return. There are other ways of funding a public service broadcaster and the sanction for non-payment of the licence fee should be a civil debt and not anything to do with the criminal law.

But there is also a great deal of good about the BBC and its special legal structure.

(Personal tastes will differ in respect of content. I will give a shout for radio channels 3, 4 and 5, the world service, local news, and for Match of the Day. I loathe the Today programme and Question Time, now parodies of what were once-interesting news formats. And many current news priorities of the online BBC news do seem rather odd, though not in the way the commercial media aver.)

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The primary benefit of the BBC is that there is a large-scale broadcaster and online publisher structurally outwith the commercial pressures of the other forms of news media. And this is a valuable benefit.

Legal frameworks and nominal autonomy, however, are of less importance than a sense of institutional integrity.

Just as this blog emphasises that constitutionalism is more important than the form of any constitution, institutions such as the BBC require an independent robustness more than anything written in a charter.

And once that spirit goes, then the institution itself is undermined.

There will be those who will clap and cheer at the senior BBC resignations over the last couple of days, but such elation is misconceived. For the BBC to be this weak as an institution when faced with outside (and politically motivated) criticism is not a sign of a healthy mixed polity.

One of the many bad things done by the Blair governments was the kicking of the BBC over the Iraq WMD issue. The political benefit gained by the administration of the day was more than outweighed by the collapse of institutional confidence within the BBC.

And the current kicking seems similar in its nature – and will no doubt have similar effects.

Something precious in our polity is again being trashed, just because some with political motives want to give the BBC a good kicking, and the BBC will not (or cannot) defend itself.

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This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

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Solving the puzzle of why the case of Prince Harry and Lord Watson against News Group Newspapers came to its sudden end

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Spiteful governments and simple contract law, a weak threatening letter, and a warning of a regulatory battle ahead

13th January 2025

Some things from last week you may have missed.

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The weekly constitutional

Last week I expected my blogging to centre around a post I was preparing for Prospect, where my regular contribution is to branded as ‘weekly constitutional’.

This pleasing badge implies a weekly meander – but it will be one based on a recent (or non-recent) published case report. The aim is to use that judgment or other decision to show how law and action work – and do not work – in practice.

The first ‘weekly constitutional was about a significant United Kingdom Supreme Court decision that was handed down in November but which got almost no press attention (the main honourable exception was in the estimable Byline Times).

In the unanimous decision the Supreme Court justices undid a grossly spiteful attack by the then coalition government on public sector trades unions not by resorting to elaborate employment law provisions, but by applying a contract law rule so simple it is the stuff of the first weeks of any law degree.

I liked doing that post – please read it here – and I hope you will follow the ‘weekly constitutional’ post. I will post here and alert you to them, perhaps expanding on certain points.

But that post got rather drowned by the attention received by two other things that I wrote last week.

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‘Lettuce before Action’

I so wish I had thought of the above line, but it was coined by the peerless Paul Magrath, whose weekly law email is a must-read – you can subscribe here.

This is about, of course, the antics of a former Prime Minister – and indeed a former Lord High Chancellor – in sending a legal letter to the current Prime Minister.

A letter so weak it may well be the weakest threatening letter ever sent by a United Kingdom law firm.

The ‘close reading’ post I did – here – was done very quickly and promptly, and indeed so promptly that I even had to set out why as a matter of copyright and confidentiality I was entitled to publish the letter so as to comment on it.

Since the publication, the former Prime Minister has been widely ridiculed for this misfired missive – but I think there may be something more worth saying about the letter – and so I may do a post with further reflections.

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Back in the salmon pink

Last week I was also invited to write something about about social media regulation for the Financial Times.

It is always lovely to write for what – in my biased but honest opinion – is the best newspaper, though it is always terrifyingly daunting to be published alongside proper commentators.

(Lucy Kellaway is my all-time favourite columnist in any newspaper anywhere.)

So I wrote one thing, about the inherent difficulties about regulating social media – some of which will be familiar to long-term readers here.

And is often the case, new ideas come out once you actually start something, and so I wrote a second thing about what I say as the rational drivers behind what Meta announced last week. This was based on actually listening carefully to what Mark Zuckerberg has said in his broadcast – and then reading that prepared statement even more carefully (which led to the all-important satisfying “Aha!” moment).

The two pieces were then banged into one longer piece with an overall, hopefully coherent structure.

And the resulting ‘essay’ was published in the print edition and online on Saturday.

For reasons of topicality, more than the quality of the writing, the piece became very popular.

The Bluesky stats for the article matched my Brexit posts on Twitter at the height of Brexit when I had five times as many followers.

The piece was even briefly one of the top five read FT.com pieces globally.

The sensation of this happening is not altogether pleasant.

But perhaps the one merit of the piece was that it offered an explanation for something which seemed otherwise hard to explain in rational terms.

Essentially the argument offered by the piece was:

(a) Meta has an interest in switching to a more confrontational approach with irksome foreign regulators, especially in the European Union,

(b) Meta now has an opportunity to do this because of the reelection of Donald Trump to the United States presidency,

but (c) this does not show strength but weakness, for in those foreign jurisdictions, the platforms know the respective state has the ultimate power of legal recognition.

And so this is why Meta now needs a strategic ally in the US government – and everything else follows from that.

This seemed obvious from Zuckerberg’s statement – but because it was slipped in a point number six after five rather attention-grabbing other points, but did not get the attention it should have had.

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Litigation and regulatory strategies are fascinating – in particular, where the surface theatrics of impulsiveness, hypocrisy and recklessness misdirect onlookers into thinking the underlying commercial (or political) objectives are similarly irrational.

Even Liz Truss’s letter makes sense – but solely from a political-media perspective, and not any legal perspective.

Perhaps I should write that further piece on that letter, if only to use that ‘Lettuce before Action’ line as a title.

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A close look at Truss’s legal threat to Starmer – a glorious but seemingly hopeless cease-and-desist letter

9th January 2025

Words on the screen – the rise and (relative) fall of text-based social media: why journalists and lawyers on social media may not feel so special again

30th September 2024

In the beginning was the Word.

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Well, in the beginning there were words.

Lots of words, all over the place, at the beginning of the internet and then of the World Wide Web.

And this was because words were easy: text was one of the easiest of things to transmit.

Early social media was thereby text-dominated.

Yes, there were rudimentary ways of hosting and sending pictures and video and sound files.

But with text you could create more text – while pictures and videos and sound files were difficult to create and edit.

Early-ish blogging, I can recall with a shudder, required you to code with HTML. You had to physically type in hyperlinks with <a> tags and so on.

Even on Facebook you only had a limited text field into which you could type: “So-and-so is [ ]”.

Pretty soon, however, there were WYSIWYG social media and blogging.

Anybody, if the wanted, could compose, create and even edit words on the screen.

And so text-based social media took off, especially on Twitter.

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As Marie Le Conte set out in a thought-provoking and insightful post on her Substack, this had the effect of lots of text-based social media users – writers and journalists – believing that social media was about them:

As she elaborates:

“…journalists are people who write for a living. Twitter is and was a place where thoughts are expressed in writing.”

And what she says about journalists can also be said about lawyers: the stuff of lawyering, like the stuff of journalism, is words.

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As the eminent jurist Eliza Doolittle once averred:

“Words! Words! Words!
I’m so sick of words!
I get words all day through;
First from him, now from you!
Is that all you blighters can do?”

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It was all that us blighters – journalists, lawyers, and so on – could do, and it suited us.

Social media seemed a perfect medium.

But.

Text-based social media was only the start – an early stage just because text was easy, and other forms were less easy.

And now the other forms are catching up, and indeed they have caught up.

Just as HTML-based blogging eased into WYSIWYG social media typing, it is becoming just as easy for a social user to make and edit video and audio.

This, coupled with the wayward way Twitter has gone (and so has been quit by many), means that the great days of text-based social users thinking they were special are perhaps over.

There will still be a place for text-based social media, just like there are those who persist with CB Radio.

But it was just a phase we were going through.

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Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

More on the comments policy is here.

On how regulating the media is hard – if not impossible – and on why reviving the Leveson Inquiry may not be the best basis for seeing what regulations are now needed

Star Wars Day, 2024

I once came across a quote in a history book which I have never been able to re-find. It was from an acquaintance of I think Lord Randolph Churchill (Winston’s father), or perhaps of Benjamin Disraeli, and it was along the lines of:

“Dear Sir, you do not believe that there are actually solutions to political problems?”

This astonished admonishment from a Victorian politician has lingered.

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There is a conceit in the notion that just because a problem can be stated it thereby can be solved. Maybe this fallacy comes about by reason of human optimism, that articulating a problem means that somewhere somehow it can be remedied.

If course, stating a problem accurately and plainly is a necessary condition of it being solved.

But it often is not sufficient – at least not in terms of public policy.

And one problem is how, if at all, the media should be regulated.

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Not long ago the media were far easier to regulate.

This was because there were fewer media entities to regulate and the ability to publish and to broadcast was more restricted.

Indeed, until the 1990s it was was actually quite difficult for most people to publish or broadcast to the world – or even to circulate things beyond your immediate circle or place. You had to go through gatekeepers who had a near-monopoly of the means of publication and broadcast: newspaper titles, publishing housed, broadcast stations.

From time to time there would be the spirited eccentrics who would, say, set up up a pirate radio station in the North Sea or self-publish books and pamphlets. But such self-publication was derided as a “vanity”.

(Little did they realise the upcoming relentless mass self-publications of social media.)

That such self-publication was possible at least in theory was always an important principle- indeed, it was the original meaning of the phrase “freedom of the press” (a 2012 New Statesman post on this is one of my favourite pieces).

But few if any sensible people had a press at home, even though could have one.

Now most people have access to the means of publishing and broadcasting to the world.

The device you are reading this on is no doubt capable of such worldwide publication or broadcast, at least via a social media platform.

And just as it was once odd to possess a personal printing press or pirate radio ship, it is now similarly odd not to personally possess something capable of far greater publication or broadcast.

For want of a better word, this is an information and communications revolution. A fundamental shift, comparable to the first writing and alphabets, or the invention of movable type.

And the implications of this revolution are still being worked out – if they can be worked out at all.

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How – if all – can media be regulated now that everyone is a potential publisher?

My day job is as a media and communications (and commercial) lawyer – constitutional law is a mad hobby – and I see everyday the attempted use of law and policy to try to make people and companies do things (and not do things) which they otherwise would not do (or would do) but for that law and policy.

Such regulation is hard. Sometimes it is ineffective. Sometimes it is ignored. Sometimes it has unintended effects. Sometimes, even, it works.

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Turning to the wrongful conduct of parts of the news media in the first decade of this century (and before), there is no doubt bad things happened – and there is also no doubt that we do no know the extent of the bad things that happened.

And the one thing that can be correctly said of the Leveson Inquiry – and of the criminal and civil litigation that followed – is that a lot of these bad things were placed into the public domain which otherwise would not have been placed into the public domain.

This was a boon for the public understanding of the news media.

But.

The purpose of the Leveson Inquiry (of which only one of two parts took place) was to use that investigation for the purpose of proposing a new regulatory model.

And this is where there is maybe a category error.

For what happened in the UK news media before around 2012 is not a good data set for regulating the news media in 2024 and beyond.

Indeed, it is far harder to say what is now news media. You cannot walk down Fleet Street and its environs and point, saying “there” and “there” and “there”.

For example, if a freelance journalist has a social media following of hundreds of thousands they often can have a bigger “circulation” than any title they work for. In those circumstances, what practical purpose would there be in just regulating the latter? And if you try to regulate the former, at what point do you stop trying to regulate everyone?

Anyway, please now click here and read my article at Prospect on whether “Leveson 2” should take place.

And tell me and other readers of this blog what you think.

For, dear Sirs and Madams, you – unlike me – may believe that there are actually solutions to political problems.

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Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

More on the comments policy is here.

How the civil justice system forced Hugh Grant to settle – and why an alternative to that system is difficult to conceive

17th April 2024

Hugh Grant has acted in many counter-intuitive scenarios.

But the situation he described today on Twitter is perhaps the most counter-intuitive predicament of them all:

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Grant has been correctly advised by his lawyers – both as to the legal position and that he should settle.

Had Grant’s lawyers not given that advice they would have been negligent: this was the legal advice that had to be given.

But it seems wrong – how can this be the position?

And what can be done to change it?

These are good questions – though the second question does not have an easy answer.

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First let us strip the case of the celebrity of the claimant. We shall the claimant [X].

And we will strip away also the notoriety of the defendant. We can call them [Y].

Now consider the following:

– X is suing Y for damages in respect of a tort committed to X by Y.

– Damages is a money remedy.

– Y offers X more money than X would be likely to win at court if the case does go to trial.

In this circumstance, what should be done?

As the claim is only for money, and more money is offered than the claimant would receive if the case goes to trial, then what is the point of going to trial?

From one perspective, there is no point in the case continuing. After all, X is seeking damages – a money remedy – and X is now receiving money – more money than they are likely to be awarded by a court.

This perspective is the traditional one in English civil litigation: a claim in tort for damages is just another money claim, and so it can be addressed by money.

It does not matter if the tort is negligence, or copyright infringement, or misuse of private information, or whatever. Damages are the thing.

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But.

For a claimant there may be a desire for a public determination by a court of their claim.

A claimant here can point to, say, the relevant part of Article 6(1) of the European Convention of Human Rights:

“In the determination of his [or her] civil rights and obligations […], everyone is entitled to a fair and public hearing within a reasonable time by an independent and impartial tribunal established by law. Judgment shall be pronounced publicly…”

Surely, X – here, Grant – is entitled to “to a fair and public hearing” with the judgment “pronounced publicly”?

Surely?

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Well, you would think so.

And in a technical (but somewhat artificial) sense, Grant has not been refused his public hearing and public judgment. There is no express prohibition on him continuing.

What has changed is not his entitlement to a public hearing and to a public judgment – both are still available – but the consequences of him exercising his entitlement.

These consequences are because it is seen as a good thing – generally – for civil cases to settle before trial where possible.

And so the rules of the court are that if one side offers a high amount in settlement then the other side should be, in turn, encouraged to accept that offer.

Such settlements save time and money for the parties and they save scarce resources for the court system.

And as many claimants in money claims are concerned with, well, money then an early offer of money is often welcome.

In general terms: why should X and Y have to go to court if the matter can be resolved before trial?

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Some offers to settle are flexible, and can be set out in correspondence marked “without prejudice” or “without prejudice save as to costs” (though for many non-lawyers and even some lawyers, these terms can be employed incorrectly and counter-productively).

But the rules of the court have also fashioned a man-trap of a procedural device which we can presume was used in the Grant litigation.

This is the…

(drum roll)

Part 36 Offer.

 

Part 36 is a powerful procedural weapon – for good and for bad – perhaps the most powerful single provision in the civil procedural rules.

Part 36 offers are to be taken seriously – very seriously – by both sides.

In essence, Part 36 provides teeth – like a man-trap – to an offer to settle.

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A Part 36 offer is usually an offer to settle the entire claim.

If it accepted them the the legal costs of the claimant up to the offer are paid.

Hurrah!

But.

If the Part 36 offer is not accepted then the pressure is on the offeree to “beat” the offered amount a trial.

And if the offeree does not “beat” the offered amount, then the effects are much as Grant says in his tweets.

The offeree has to pay the other side’s legal costs, despite winning the case.

And the stressful thing is that the judge who awards the damages will not be shown the Part 36 offer. The judge will not know what the parties know.

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It is a very brave – or foolish – party who rejects an even-plausible Part 36 offer.

In practice, there is an art and a science to the timing and setting of Part 36 offers. At the right moment and at the right amount, a skilled litigator can bring a civil claim to a speedy halt.

There is also – unsurprisingly – extensive case law about what constitutes a Part 36 offer and what constitutes acceptance, and so on. This case law is because so much depends on the offer being valid.

It is a man-trap in the middle of a mine-field.

If and when to make and accept (or reject) a Part 36 offer is often the single most important decision a party and their lawyers will have to make in any valuable civil case.

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In the Grant case, it is apparent that the alleged tortfeasor chose now was the best time to set the man-trap.

It would have to have been for a substantial amount – which was higher than the likely amount to be awarded to Grant.

It was an offer he could not refuse.

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But.

Understanding the purpose of Part 36 – to make parties consider their positions seriously – does not counter the sense that there is something wrong here.

Yes: the Grant claim is a claim for damages.

But it was also a claim for the court to determine whether there had been wrongdoing by the defendant, which is denied.

And now there will not be a judicial determination – and the defendant can continue to maintain its lack of liability.

A Part 36 offer, as a settlement offer, is not an open admission of liability – or of culpability.

You can see why Grant and others are upset.

The defendant has been able, in effect, to again purchase its way out of any admission or a determination of any wrongdoing.

The defendant has adopted a clever and deft litigation strategy – and it is working well, insofar as no admissions or determinations have been made.

Surely this cannot be acceptable?

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The issue is that Part 36 works well for many relatively mundane cases.

It means the claimant can get a generous offer of money at an early stage of a case, with their legal costs met. It means a defendant has to err on the side of generosity in the amount that is offered.

It means that hard-headed decisions about the litigation have to be made at an early stage, rather than put off for trial.

In essence, what seems wrong in the Grant case is also what goes well for damages cases generally.

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There is an exception to the automatic operation of Part 36 – a court has the discretion not give effect to the consequences of Part 36 if it is “unjust”:

But that is a very high hurdle to meet: and a judge in the Grant case may not be easy to convince that it would be unjust in what is a damages claim for Grant to suffer the consequences of rejecting what was a generous Part 36 offer.

That Grant wanted a public determination of culpability by the defendant would not, by itself, make a Part 36 offer unjust.

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The hard question is how the system could be changed so that Part 36 could not be used as it has been in the Grant case – but still could be used in other damages claims.

And there may not be an easy answer.

Perhaps there can be a public interest exception – where a certified claim will not meet the normal consequences of not beating a Part 36 offer.

Or perhaps the “unjust” exception could be widened to have regard to the wider public interest.

Whatever the solution – if there is a solution – it would need to not have adverse consequences for those claimants that achieve early resolution of their damages claims against powerful defendants.

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The ultimate problem, of course, is that this damages claim was doing the work which should have been by other parts of the legal system – and by the aborted part 2 of the Leveson inquiry – where clever and deft use of the civil procedure rules would not help the defendant.

(No doubt lawyers skilled in those alternative procedures would employ their own tactics.)

But this was a damages claim – an important damages claim with wide implications – but still a damages claim. And from a litigation perspective, that is how it has been dealt with, and the claim is now resolved.

Perhaps the upcoming claim of Prince Harry will lead to a determination of wrongdoing.

Perhaps he is the claimant brave – or foolish – enough to reject a generous Part 36 offer.

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Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

More on the comments policy is here.