Category: Communications and Media & Law and Policy

How the civil justice system forced Hugh Grant to settle – and why an alternative to that system is difficult to conceive

17th April 2024

Hugh Grant has acted in many counter-intuitive scenarios.

But the situation he described today on Twitter is perhaps the most counter-intuitive predicament of them all:

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Grant has been correctly advised by his lawyers – both as to the legal position and that he should settle.

Had Grant’s lawyers not given that advice they would have been negligent: this was the legal advice that had to be given.

But it seems wrong – how can this be the position?

And what can be done to change it?

These are good questions – though the second question does not have an easy answer.

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First let us strip the case of the celebrity of the claimant. We shall the claimant [X].

And we will strip away also the notoriety of the defendant. We can call them [Y].

Now consider the following:

– X is suing Y for damages in respect of a tort committed to X by Y.

– Damages is a money remedy.

– Y offers X more money than X would be likely to win at court if the case does go to trial.

In this circumstance, what should be done?

As the claim is only for money, and more money is offered than the claimant would receive if the case goes to trial, then what is the point of going to trial?

From one perspective, there is no point in the case continuing. After all, X is seeking damages – a money remedy – and X is now receiving money – more money than they are likely to be awarded by a court.

This perspective is the traditional one in English civil litigation: a claim in tort for damages is just another money claim, and so it can be addressed by money.

It does not matter if the tort is negligence, or copyright infringement, or misuse of private information, or whatever. Damages are the thing.

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But.

For a claimant there may be a desire for a public determination by a court of their claim.

A claimant here can point to, say, the relevant part of Article 6(1) of the European Convention of Human Rights:

“In the determination of his [or her] civil rights and obligations […], everyone is entitled to a fair and public hearing within a reasonable time by an independent and impartial tribunal established by law. Judgment shall be pronounced publicly…”

Surely, X – here, Grant – is entitled to “to a fair and public hearing” with the judgment “pronounced publicly”?

Surely?

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Well, you would think so.

And in a technical (but somewhat artificial) sense, Grant has not been refused his public hearing and public judgment. There is no express prohibition on him continuing.

What has changed is not his entitlement to a public hearing and to a public judgment – both are still available – but the consequences of him exercising his entitlement.

These consequences are because it is seen as a good thing – generally – for civil cases to settle before trial where possible.

And so the rules of the court are that if one side offers a high amount in settlement then the other side should be, in turn, encouraged to accept that offer.

Such settlements save time and money for the parties and they save scarce resources for the court system.

And as many claimants in money claims are concerned with, well, money then an early offer of money is often welcome.

In general terms: why should X and Y have to go to court if the matter can be resolved before trial?

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Some offers to settle are flexible, and can be set out in correspondence marked “without prejudice” or “without prejudice save as to costs” (though for many non-lawyers and even some lawyers, these terms can be employed incorrectly and counter-productively).

But the rules of the court have also fashioned a man-trap of a procedural device which we can presume was used in the Grant litigation.

This is the…

(drum roll)

…Part 36 Offer.

 

Part 36 is a powerful procedural weapon – for good and for bad – perhaps the most powerful single provision in the civil procedural rules.

Part 36 offers are to be taken seriously – very seriously – by both sides.

In essence, Part 36 provides teeth – like a man-trap – to an offer to settle.

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A Part 36 offer is usually an offer to settle the entire claim.

If it accepted them the the legal costs of the claimant up to the offer are paid.

Hurrah!

But.

If the Part 36 offer is not accepted then the pressure is on the offeree to “beat” the offered amount a trial.

And if the offeree does not “beat” the offered amount, then the effects are much as Grant says in his tweets.

The offeree has to pay the other side’s legal costs, despite winning the case.

And the stressful thing is that the judge who awards the damages will not be shown the Part 36 offer. The judge will not know what the parties know.

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It is a very brave – or foolish – party who rejects an even-plausible Part 36 offer.

In practice, there is an art and a science to the timing and setting of Part 36 offers. At the right moment and at the right amount, a skilled litigator can bring a civil claim to a speedy halt.

There is also – unsurprisingly – extensive case law about what constitutes a Part 36 offer and what constitutes acceptance, and so on. This case law is because so much depends on the offer being valid.

It is a man-trap in the middle of a mine-field.

If and when to make and accept (or reject) a Part 36 offer is often the single most important decision a party and their lawyers will have to make in any valuable civil case.

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In the Grant case, it is apparent that the alleged tortfeasor chose now was the best time to set the man-trap.

It would have to have been for a substantial amount – which was higher than the likely amount to be awarded to Grant.

It was an offer he could not refuse.

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But.

Understanding the purpose of Part 36 – to make parties consider their positions seriously – does not counter the sense that there is something wrong here.

Yes: the Grant claim is a claim for damages.

But it was also a claim for the court to determine whether there had been wrongdoing by the defendant, which is denied.

And now there will not be a judicial determination – and the defendant can continue to maintain its lack of liability.

A Part 36 offer, as a settlement offer, is not an open admission of liability – or of culpability.

You can see why Grant and others are upset.

The defendant has been able, in effect, to again purchase its way out of any admission or a determination of any wrongdoing.

The defendant has adopted a clever and deft litigation strategy – and it is working well, insofar as no admissions or determinations have been made.

Surely this cannot be acceptable?

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The issue is that Part 36 works well for many relatively mundane cases.

It means the claimant can get a generous offer of money at an early stage of a case, with their legal costs met. It means a defendant has to err on the side of generosity in the amount that is offered.

It means that hard-headed decisions about the litigation have to be made at an early stage, rather than put off for trial.

In essence, what seems wrong in the Grant case is also what goes well for damages cases generally.

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There is an exception to the automatic operation of Part 36 – a court has the discretion not give effect to the consequences of Part 36 if it is “unjust”:

But that is a very high hurdle to meet: and a judge in the Grant case may not be easy to convince that it would be unjust in what is a damages claim for Grant to suffer the consequences of rejecting what was a generous Part 36 offer.

That Grant wanted a public determination of culpability by the defendant would not, by itself, make a Part 36 offer unjust.

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The hard question is how the system could be changed so that Part 36 could not be used as it has been in the Grant case – but still could be used in other damages claims.

And there may not be an easy answer.

Perhaps there can be a public interest exception – where a certified claim will not meet the normal consequences of not beating a Part 36 offer.

Or perhaps the “unjust” exception could be widened to have regard to the wider public interest.

Whatever the solution – if there is a solution – it would need to not have adverse consequences for those claimants that achieve early resolution of their damages claims against powerful defendants.

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The ultimate problem, of course, is that this damages claim was doing the work which should have been by other parts of the legal system – and by the aborted part 2 of the Leveson inquiry – where clever and deft use of the civil procedure rules would not help the defendant.

(No doubt lawyers skilled in those alternative procedures would employ their own tactics.)

But this was a damages claim – an important damages claim with wide implications – but still a damages claim. And from a litigation perspective, that is how it has been dealt with, and the claim is now resolved.

Perhaps the upcoming claim of Prince Harry will lead to a determination of wrongdoing.

Perhaps he is the claimant brave – or foolish – enough to reject a generous Part 36 offer.

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A close look at the Donelan libel settlement: how did a minister make her department feel exposed to expensive legal liability?

8th March 2024

Yesterday over at Prospect I did a post on the curious situation of the Michelle Donelan libel settlement. Please click and read the post here.

Here I want to set out some further thoughts on what is, in one way, a remarkable law and policy news story – and what was, in another way, an accident waiting to happen given the practices now common in politics and media.

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This is her statement:

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Donelan is a Secretary of State and a Member of Parliament – and, as such, she can say and publish whatever she wants in a libel-safe way, as long as she goes about it sensibly and in the right way. The law of the United Kingdom is configured so as to allow ministers and parliamentarians an “absolute privilege” for what they say in parliament. The law is further configured so that in official correspondence, defamatory things can be freely stated (with “qualified privilege”) as long as the recipient has an interest in receiving the information, and it is said in good faith and without malice.

This configuration can be seen as unfair and one-sided – especially as, with qualified privilege, the onus is on the complainant to provide there was malice and bad faith. But this is how, in this context, the overall balance between free expression and reputation rights has been set in the public interest.

All this means that if Donelan, or any other minister, had genuine concerns about the appointments to a board of an agency which their department supervised, those concerns can be expressed and received, and it would be hard-to-impossible for any person mentioned to actually bring a claim in libel.

And so it is pretty remarkable for a minister to (purport to) do this and end up facing personal liability for libel – and to also expose their department to liability for libel.

Something wrong happened, and it needs explanaing.

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What converted this into a situation where the minister and her department became exposed to legal liability was the decision by the minister to tweet a copy of the letter stating these concerns about specific individuals.

At a stroke (of the keypad) the qualified privilege that would otherwise have protected that communication was lost. The thousands of people to whom the letter was now published had no proper interest in the contents.

And as the key accusations had not been investigated with any duly diligent checks, the publication of the letter on Twitter also could not be said to be in the public interest, which meant that an alternative defence to libel was also not available.

So not only was it a very strange thing for the minister to do, it was legally reckless.

Since the Prospect piece was written and published, it has been reported in the news that the minister had had advice before the letter was tweeted.

If this is correct, and the advice was legal advice (and not, say, a non-legal adviser nodding along), then either:

(a) the minister went against that legal advice; or

(b) the minister was given the wrong legal advice.

If the latter, then the decision to publish the letter on Twitter does not become any the less strange as an act, but the minister can at least say that she was not properly warned of the legal consequences. (And the latter is perhaps possible if the government lawyer concerned was not a media law specialist, though the law here is pretty straightforward and basic.)

But, in any case, no competent lawyer with a knowledge of media law could have advised that publishing the letter on Twitter would be covered by qualified (or absolute) privilege.

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From looking closely at information in the public domain, it would appear that the lawyers for the complainant (and she will not be named in this post, as she has suffered enough) sent a letter before claim to Donelan in her personal capacity.

(This can be inferred because the letter complained of was tweeted from her personal Twitter account, and the retraction was also tweeted from her personal account – hence the legal threat was made against her personally.)

But.

It would seem that the government immediately took the claim as meaning the department would be on the line, and so the government legal service acted for Donelan and not any private law firm.

(This can be inferred from the government statement “This [settlement] was subject to all the usual cross-government processes and aims to reduce the overall costs to the taxpayer that could result from protracted legal action.”  The reasoning for this inference is in the Prospect piece.)

Normally the government would not need to do this.

Indeed, given the rules on public expenditure, the government should not have done this – unless the government believed itself to be exposed to potential liability.

But something about how the claim was framed put the frighteners on the government, and the government legal service jumped in.

Yesterday in Prospect I averred there were two possible reasons for the government dealing with the claim, but recent news reports now suggest a third.

The first is that the government saw the tweet as being connected to her role as Secretary of State – it was part of her departmental work and, although the tweet was from her personal Twitter account, it should be treated as an official communication.

The second is that although the tweet was in her personal capacity, the litigation would drag in the department in a costly and time-consuming way, and this litigation could also develop so as to expose the department to direct legal liability about the letter to the agency. In particular, the department may be anxious that “disclosure” of internal documents could undermine any qualified privilege it had in the letter to the agency.

The third – further – reason is that the department gave the minister duff legal advice saying that the letter was safe to publish on her personal Twitter account.

Whatever the reason – whether it be one of the above, or a mix of them, or a reason not currently obvious – a decision was made that this was the department’s problem, and not just the minister’s unfortunate personal political predicament. And this decision presumably was made by a senior official under government accounting rules.

That this is the position is the only natural meaning of the government’s statement: “This [settlement] […] aims to reduce the overall costs to the taxpayer that could result from protracted legal action.”

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Once the government realised it was on the libel hook then it was sensible for the department to close down this litigation as soon as possible.

It appears that the litigation did even not get beyond pre-action correspondence. It seems no claim was issued at the High Court or served on Donelan.

The government legal service seems not to have indulged in any tiresome litigation posturing along the lines of “as taxpayers money is involved we really would need to see the case properly set out in served particulars of claim” or any other similar nonsense.

Government lawyers needed to settle this case, and fast.

There was a problem here.

Fortunately for the government, it was also in the interests of the complainant to settle this matter quickly.

A retraction was offered, with damages and costs, and this suited the complainant.

Had the complainant pressed on, there is little doubt she could have secured an apology – and the word “sorry” was not in the published retraction.

(Given the news coverage, the minister may have well apologised – as it has been widely but incorrectly reported as an apology.)

In the circumstances, both sides could be satisfied with this outcome – though one suspects there was a rather loud “Phew!” in Whitehall when the settlement was reached.

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For a government minister to visit potential legal liability on their department is remarkable, given how the law generally protects ministerial statements and communications. This required a special fact situation.

But.

This sort of thing was also an accident waiting to happen.

There is a information economy in and about Westminster – where ministers and special advisers and lobbyists and researchers and pressure groups and journalists are constantly swapping material between themselves (and sometimes those involved are wearing more than one hat).

It was perhaps only a matter of time before an example of this spilled into official correspondence, and then was tweeted from a minister’s social media account.

And when it happens there can be legal consequences.

Here it was the law of libel – but one can conceive of situations where other areas of law could be engaged, such as misfeasance in public office.

For not only is the law configured so as to protect ministers and politicians in some situations, it also configured so as to impose immense legal liabilities in others.

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Disclosure: I was a government lawyer about twenty years ago.

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Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

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Many thanks to those of you who support my blogging: I have had to have a short period away from this blog (and pretty much social media generally), but I am now refreshed and regular blogging should now resume.

The value of X – making sense of a re-branding, from a lawyer’s perspective

Two set-backs for animal welfare law – and a consolation

25th May 2023

While I prepare a detailed post on Boris Johnson and the Cabinet Office lawyers thingie, this is just a quick post to note a couple of setbacks to another interest of this blog: animal welfare law.

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First, you may recall this blog covering the “Frankenchicken” claim, which I thought was a well-made application for judicial review.

Unfortunately the High Court did not, though the judgment is rather difficult to follow – and I may unpack the judgment at a later date.

But plaudits must go to the Humane League (and, yes, we all know the puns for the 80s pop band) for putting together such an impressively crafted case.

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Second, late today on a quiet parliamentary sitting, the government announced it was reneging on the Animal Welfare (Kept Animals) Bill – even though it was at an advanced parliamentary stage.

There are news reports on this here and here.

You may recall that the Conservative manifesto for 2019 devoted an entire page to animal welfare, making (specific) commitments:

And you may also recall two senior cabinet ministers recently insisting that the House of Lords had to accept that the (generalised) content of the Conservative manifesto as the “will of the people”:

But it would seem the government picks-and-chooses which of its manifesto commitments are serious enough to threaten the House of Lords with, and which the government cannot even be bothered with so that it can progress its own bill.

The reason for this pulling of a bill appears to be that the government does not feel confident that it can resist amendments that would further protect animal welfare beyond the protections promised in the manifesto.

It is a depressing moment for animal welfare law.

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On the bright side, however, there is consolation: the great Chris Packham – who does sterling work not only on animal welfare but also neurodiversity – won his libel case, and the judgment is well worth reading.

(The pic above shows him supporting the “Frankenchicken” claim which was coincidently heard at the High Court at same time as his libel claim.)

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Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

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Somebody should copyright “flawed music copyright cases” so as to avoid future abuses

4th May 2023

Another flawed musical copyright case.

The news from the Manhattan court is that Ed Sheeran has won the latest case.

These cases are not about piracy and bootleg copies being made for sale.

These case are also not even about samples being lifted.

They are about mere chord progressions.

As Sheeran’s lawyer avers: “the letters of the alphabet of music”.

These are the cases that bring discredit on media and copyright law – and also perhaps show a misunderstanding of how music is composed and how music develops.

We should just wish that the very notion of bringing such flawed cases could themselves be subjected to the law of intellectual property.

And then potential plaintiffs could just be sent a “cease and desist” letter – and so be stopped immediately in their, ahem, tracks.

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Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

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After Twitter.

17th April 2023

Social media, now that it has been invented, cannot be un-invented.

Anyone with the resources and inclination, and with access to the internet, can create a site where others can post things for others to see.

The technology is not, shall we say, rocket science.

Of course, there may come a time when few, if any, people will have the inclination to put together a social media platform.

There may also be a time when few, if any, people would want to devote scarce resources to providing such a platform.

And people may simply get bored.

Just because a communications technology exists, it does not mean that people will keep on using it.

And from pamphleteering to CB radio, and from carrier pigeons to telegrams, there are many examples of communications media that fell out of fairly widespread use.

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A barrister friend recently asked me what would be the next big platform after Twitter, as if I would somehow be in the know.

I said that it was unlikely there would be another single platform that would serve so many people in so many ways.

Already social media is beginning to fragment: LinkedIn has improved and so now not too bad for work-related (and thereby law-related) discussions; Mastodon is a haven for nerds and geeks and for those of us who know the difference; Facebook is the ghost of social media past, looking down at the graves of Friends Reunited and My Space; Instagram is for those who are impossibly beautiful or have impossibly beautiful pets; and TikTok can be as witty and informative as your preferences and the algorithms and the censors and the templates allow.

Why would people move (back) to a one size fits no-one single platform?

Especially just for typing in character-limited text boxes.

Twitter will (probably) not die, but it will never be the popular and splendid hive it once was.

And there will be those (of us) who will never quite abandon the platform.

But I cannot see why anyone would use it now, from scratch, given the other available platforms.

As the novelty of social media wears away, and it becomes just another form of communication, it will becomes as dated (or as timeless) as any other form of broadcast and publication.

It will no longer be special.

One interesting question, perhaps, is whether social media lasted long enough to fatally undermine more traditional broadcasters and publishers.

People will not be buying newspapers again in large numbers, and nor will they just want to read or watch what others schedule for them to read or watch.

There has been a fundamental shift in the means of broadcasting and publication, just as a Marxist would talk of a shift in the means of production and distribution.

And that shift also cannot be un-invented.

So something new is ahead, but we do not know what it is.

But whatever it is, it will probably not turn out according to expectations.

And so, at least in that one respect, it will be just like rocket science.

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Apologies for the gap over the Easter holidays: I took some extra time to rest and recuperate, but now I am back to normal.

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Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

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Cute baby dragons and the law of copyright

3rd April 2023

There has been another amusing (at least to outsiders) copyright case.

This one is about cute baby dragons.

You do not often get – usually earnest – case reports with illustrations like this:

And it is not often that a judge gets to start off a judgment with a couple of paragraphs like these:

This is all splendid stuff – and this judgment adds to the gaiety of the world of intellectual property law, if not to the gaiety of the nation.

This judgment is well worth reading in its own right – and you can can read it here – and the purpose of my post is not to summarise the case, but to offer some commentary from the perspective of someone fascinated with both the practical law of copyright and the lore of fantastical creatures.

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On the face of it, the case was weak – and two key weaknesses stand out.

First, there was no direct evidence whatsoever of copying.

Copyright is usually about copying – the clue is in the word copy-right: it is (or should be) the law which regulates rights of copying the works of others.

In this case, any copying was to be inferred – for example by whether the defendants had access to the original work.

The judge makes short-shrift of this:

“[…] the question for the Court is whether there has been actual copying, and that requires access and not just the possibility of access. However, that access may either be evidenced directly, or it may be inferred from the possibility of access and other High Court Approved Judgment […] That inference must, of course, be properly drawn. But where there is only a possibility of access and an inference cannot properly be drawn that the alleged infringer actually did access the original work, then there cannot be a finding of copying.

The claimant was not even able to show that the work had been accessed:

“…the Claimant has not satisfied me that access by the Defendants has been evidenced or can be properly inferred.”

The second – related – weakness is that dragons are a fairly generic subject.

One claimed similarity was that both the dragons breathed fire.

Well.

That is what dragons tend to do.

Had the two works, say, had fire-breathing baby wombats…

…then that would have been a remarkable coincidence which may need explanation.

But it is perfectly possible for two creative minds to concurrently conceive of a cute baby dragon with fire-breathing difficulties.

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What does require explanation, however, is how a case as weak as this ever got to a hearing, let alone a judgment.

In civil litigation, few threatened claims ever get litigated, and few of those claims that are litigated ever get to a hearing.

This is because most civil claims are either not continued with when their weaknesses are pointed out, and those which do continue tend to get either thrown out at an early stage or settled.

Those cases – especially in the expensive High Court in London –  that end with a public judgment are rare.

And so when we get a judgment like this, one question to ask is: how on (Middle-)Earth did this case get to trial?

I am not privy to any legal materials other than the public judgment, but I think one clue may be in the successful counterclaim.

The defendants sought two remedies against the claimant.

The first was a (positive) declaration of non-infringement – which would go further than merely defeating the claim in public:

“There is no dispute that the court has the power to grant a declaration of non-infringement, taking into account justice to the Claimant, justice to the Defendants, whether it would serve a useful purpose and whether there are any special reasons why or why not the Court should grant the declaration […]. The Claimant has not suggested any special reasons why it should not be granted, and as I have made clear at the start of this judgment, I consider that it would suit the useful purpose of making clear to the public and the industries in which the Defendants and their creative partners work that the allegations of copyright infringement impugning the integrity of their creativity have been rejected by this Court, providing some justice to the Defendants without any appreciable prejudice to the Claimant.”

The second was for what is called a publicity order:

“…there is no dispute that the Court can make a publicity order against a party who unsuccessfully alleges infringement, where there is a real need to dispel commercial uncertainty […]. This is a discretionary, equitable remedy and the discretion must as always, be exercised judicially, taking into account all the relevant circumstances of the case. I accept the Defendants’ submission that any commercial uncertainty caused by the bringing of this claim for copyright infringement against them has been magnified by the publicity campaign carried out by the Claimant over the past 3.5 years, including around the trial itself. [Claimant’s counsel] submits that she was entitled to publicise her claim and I do not disagree with that. The quid pro quo is that, her claims having been rejected by the Court, the Court will require her to publicise the judgment and order made against her in order to endeavour to redress the balance.”

If this was a claim that could have been knocked-out by the defendants at a preliminary stage, or settled as a nuisance claim, but the defendants insisted instead on going to trial, then obtaining these two very public remedies may have been an understandable case strategy.

The claimant’s use of publicity was very much a two-edged dragon-slayer.

And the claimant’s solicitors were also robust in their use of publicity:

The solicitors’ tweet linked to this spirited (ahem) puff piece:

 

In the end, the claimant suffered adverse comment in the judgment:

“[the claimant] was a little cagey, I felt, about a series of press releases in which she made allegations of copyright infringement against John Lewis, which she drafted and released to the media in November 2019, December 2020 and November 2021. She first said that she released them as she considered that it was in the public interest to do so, and then said that she gained confidence from public support. It was put to her that the press releases were made in order to promote the sale of her books and the financing of a proposed musical based on FFD. At first she denied it, but then accepted that they were, in part, for self-publicity. She denied deliberately releasing them to coincide with the launch of the John Lewis adverts in each year, and sought to say, in effect, that was mere coincidence, and she had chosen the timing as certain particular stages of these proceedings had been reached.”

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Presumably the claimant was advised that bringing any legal claim means that she would have to be prepared to go all the way to trial.

For although most civil claims settle, the paradox is that to obtain a worthwhile settlement you have have to be prepared to go to court if your case does not settle.

And the claimant was presumably also advised that any adverse public judgment would more than offset any gains from publicity along the way.

The claim looks just – just – about arguable – but without any evidence of access, let alone copying, and with a subject being something as generic as dragons – it was never a claim that had any strength.

And given the implicit attack on the integrity of the creatives working for John Lewis, there was always a serious risk that the defendants would just let it go to court and apply for the two remedies that they obtained.

It was a daft case to bring.

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The judgment, however, is a useful document.

For it not only provides a fable of what happens to a weak case that ventures into the dragon’s cave of the High Court, it also provides an informative and detailed account of a creative process.

As such it is a judgment that should be read by anyone – lawyers and non-lawyers – who is interested in the media.

And, indeed, the High Court has, helpfully, self-published its own illustrated version.

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Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

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The tragedy of the Human Rights Act

27th March 2023

Here is a playfully mischievous tweet from the Guardian:

And how we can – and perhaps should – laugh at the irony of a newspaper that has attacked the Human Rights Act relying on that same Act when it is in its interests.

It is not even the first time – here is Associated Newspapers seeking to rely on the ECHR in respect of the Leveson Inquiry  and here is Associated Newspapers seeking to rely on the Human Rights Act in 2006.

And there is nothing – absolutely nothing – wrong with Associated Newspapers seeking to do this.

For that is what the law of fundamental rights is for: they can be relied by (or sought to be relied on) by anybody.

There are useful rights for the media generally and journalists in particular under the Act.

And in other jurisdiction – notably the United States – the media and journalists are conscious of the fundamental rights they can rely on and can point to provisions that protect those rights.

The tragedy of the Human Rights Act is that despite it providing rights on which the media and journalists can rely, it is also despised in many in the media and journalism.

There is a mismatch between the reputation of the Act and the substance of the Act.

In the United States it would be unthinkable – even now – for any media organisation to call for the repeal of the First Amendment.

If only media organisations in the United Kingdom were as protective of Article 10 of the ECHR.

But there is a disconnect.

The newspaper in-house lawyers know about these provisions, and they will not hesitate to rely on the ECHR and the Human Rights Act when they can.

But across the office floor, there is not attachment to Article 10.

And that is part of the tragedy of the Human Rights Act.

Over twenty years since it took effect, it is still seen by so many in politics and the media as a partisan ornament rather than a practical instrument.

So entrenched is the dislike for the legislation it is tempting to support repealing the Act and replacing it with a new statute with exactly the same provisions but with a far less contentious name.

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The BBC and impartiality – a sideways glance from the courtroom

13th March 2023

What follows is an analogy – and all analogies in human affairs are inexact, and this is because no two situations involving people are identical absolutely.

If your mind starts racing along the lines of “they are not the same” – I agree, and I can think of many points of contrast too.

But bear with me, as the points of comparison may be interesting and even thought-provoking.

(And any comments underneath which just list differences will probably not get through moderation.)

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Imagine a court judgment – in a civil case where there has been a trial.

That there was a trial implies there was more than one side – and this in turn means that on at one least issue there was a difference of view.

Imagine reading that judgment.

The judge sets out the applicable law.

If there is a dispute as to the applicable law the judge sets out the submissions of the parties and why one view of the law was preferred instead of another.

(Sometimes a judge may provide their own view of the law and why that is to be preferred instead of the views of the parties.)

If there is a dispute as to the applicable facts then the judge will often set out why the evidence of one party was to be preferred to another.

If the factual dispute is complex then a good part of the judgment will be devoted to setting out why one set of facts was preferred to another – whether the evidence is witness evidence, or in the form of exhibits, or contested expert evidence.

And the judge is required – by the rules of natural justice no less – to decide the dispute impartially and having given each side a fair hearing.

What the judge will not do – even though they are duty-bound to be impartial – is to treat both sides as having equal weight and not make any material decisions at all.

This is because the obligations of impartiality and to hear each side go to how the judge approaches their task of exercising their judgement, rather than being reasons to not make any evaluation at all.

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Now let us turn to the BBC.

The BBC charter provides (among other things) that the purpose of the corporation is “to provide impartial news and information to help people understand and engage with the world around them: the BBC should provide duly accurate and impartial news, current affairs and factual programming to build people’s understanding of all parts of the United Kingdom and of the wider world. Its content should be provided to the highest editorial standards.”

The charter also states “the BBC should provide high-quality news coverage to international audiences, firmly based on British values of accuracy, impartiality, and fairness”.

And:

“The Mission of the BBC is to act in the public interest, serving all audiences through the provision of impartial, high-quality and distinctive output and services which inform, educate and entertain.”

Under section 319 of the Communications Act 2003, the Ofcom code must ensure “that news included in television and radio services is presented with due impartiality and that the impartiality requirements of section 320 are complied with”.

Section 320 of the same Act provides that the impartiality requirements include “the preservation, in the case of every television programme service, teletext service, national radio service and national digital sound programme service, of due impartiality, on the part of the person providing the service, as respects all of those matters”.

The 2022 framework agreement between the government and the BBC provides that the BBC board should “ensure in particular that any such guidelines set appropriate standards to secure the fairness, due impartiality, due accuracy and editorial integrity”.

You get the message.

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The obligation of “impartiality” is as (ahem) enshrined in the instruments that govern and regulate the BBC as much as they are for any judge.

But impartiality does not necessarily mean facile both-sides-ism.

For these instruments also refer to the following (emphasis added):

“The BBC must be independent in all matters concerning the fulfilment of its Mission and the promotion of the Public Purposes, particularly as regards editorial and creative decisions […]” (The Charter)

“the desirability of maintaining the independence of editorial control over programme content“ (section 319 of the Communications Act)

“The UK Government will continue to recognise and respect the editorial, creative and operational independence of the BBC, as set out in the Charter.” (2022 framework agreement)

And so on – there are many more.

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None of the instruments that govern and regulate the BBC provide that impartiality should mean an absence of editorial judgment.

Indeed, for like a judge who approaches their task with impartiality, the editor of a news programme also should exercise their editorial judgement with impartiality.

But there is still an exercise of judgement.

Impartiality – at least in the courtroom – does not mean that each side should be treated as being equally compelling.

And it should not in a newsroom either.

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Nadhim Zahawi, his lawyers, and a blogger

18th January 2023

There is a certain intellectual satisfaction to be had from watching an investigation done well – especially if you have watched it unfold in real time.

The work of tax lawyer and blogger Dan Neidle (who I know) on the remarkable matter of the tax affairs of Nadhim Zahawi is to be savoured.

Click on this link and read the chronology of how Neidle went step-by-step from the moment he thought something here just was not right.

(I remember in prehistoric times, when I had the same moment in the Nightjack and the Saudi prisons contract stories.)

I am not a tax lawyer, but I do know a bit about media law, and from that perspective I would like to add a couple of points about this story.

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There is nothing wrong, in principle, with any person asserting their legal rights – in defamation or anything else – if their legal rights are being infringed.

And so, until and unless the law of defamation is abolished, Zahawi and anybody else – including you – can seek to defend their – your – rights.

The problem here is not that there were libel letters, but that Zahawi’s legal strategy was flawed to begin with.

And so, faced with someone who knew what they were doing, the legal strategy first had to keep changing, before falling apart.

Moreover, lawyers’ letters can often be more revealing in what they do not say, rather than what they do say – and, if read carefully, even the most robust-seeming lawyers’ letter can expose the weakness of the position of a hapless client.

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We do not know the extent to which Zahawi’s lawyers were acting under instruction – and although lawyers can advise, it is always the client who decides.

(That said, the Solicitors Regulatory Authority was absolutely right to remind the lawyers involved that legal correspondence should not be abused.)

And the wise litigation lawyer will already know that heading a letter “Not For Publication” can be often a triumph of hope over experience, especially when dealing with bloggers.

The aggressive legal strategy would have to have been approved by Zadawi.

And so the fault for Zahawi’s botched legal strategy must ultimately be with Zahawi.

He no doubt went to his lawyers instructing them to get the problem to go away, but by doing so, he made his own position far worse.

The gaps in the aggressive legal letters were telling, and they would have been better unsent.

The legal strategy adopted by Zahawi is as much a misjudgment as anything else in this matter.

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The fate of Zahawi is now in the realm of politics, not law.

He may survive, and the political circus may move on.

But whatever happens, the elegant and thorough blogging of Neidle will stand as an outstanding example of what can be done, over time, when an investigation is done well.

Bravo.

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