14th November 2025
By apologising, the broadcaster has taken the sting out of Trump’s excessive attack
I have done a piece at the New Statesman where I used to be legal correspondent, you can read it here.
You can comment below.
14th November 2025
I have done a piece at the New Statesman where I used to be legal correspondent, you can read it here.
You can comment below.
12th November 2025
Yesterday this blog offered a close reading of the letter Trump’s lawyers had sent to the British Broadcasting Corporation. As a follow-up, this is a letter that the BBC could send in reply.
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Dear Sirs
We refer to your letter.
As a preliminary point, it is accepted that the edited video in the Panorama programme was an error which should not have been made by the production company or approved by us for broadcast. We apologise for that error both to our viewers generally and to your client in particular. It was a failure of commissioning, journalistic and editorial standards. The programme has been removed from our iPlayer online platform and it will not be broadcast again with the error.
But failures of commissioning, journalistic and editorial standards do not by themselves give rise to a legal claim. We have looked carefully at your client’s claim as set out in your letter, and for the reasons below that claim is denied.
Your letter provides no evidence that your client was aware of the programme when it was broadcast or for at least a year afterwards. If your client maintains this claim please disclose evidence for our pre-action inspection that your client was aware of the broadcast before the press coverage of the last two weeks. Please also inform us when you were first instructed in respect of this complaint. In your letter you are anxious that we retain relevant documents, and so we presume you also have relevant documents about your client’s awareness of the programme. If you do have such evidence, please confirm that is the case.
The programme was not broadcast in the United States generally or Florida in particular. Our programmes on iPlayer are not available in the United States. Please provide any evidence for our pre-action inspection that the programme was watched by any person in your jurisdiction. Again, given the document retention requirements you set out in your letter, you presumably have retained such documents. And again, if you do have such evidence, please confirm this is the case.
You state in your letter three times that your client has suffered “overwhelming financial and reputational harm”. This is presumably on the Beetlejuice principle that if you say something three times it somehow appears. But your letter contains no evidence of either financial or reputational harm, let alone both. And your letter certainly fails to provide evidence of any harm being “overwhelming”. Given that your client was actually re-elected to the presidency within days of this programme being shown (in the United Kingdom but not the United States) there is no obvious harm that was suffered by your client.
If you do have any evidence of the alleged harm, either “overwhelming” or at all , and if your client continues with this claim, please provide that for our pre-action inspection. Please also provide evidence that the programme was “widely disseminated throughout various digital mediums, which have reached tens of millions of people worldwide”.
Talking of “tens of millions” you provided no basis whatsoever for the figure of one billion dollars. Please confirm whether this is a billion in an English or an American sense. As the figure seems arbitrary, please provide your workings out of the quantum. As it stands, the figure has no more meaning than a demand for one trillion dollars, or for one dollar.
Both your client and the BBC believe in the value of freedom of expression. Your client benefits from the constitutional and other legal protections for free speech in the United States. The BBC also should have the benefit of the same protections. We made a mistake for which we have apologised and undertaken not to broadcast again. But this should not be a matter for the courts.
Thank you for your attention to this matter.
Yours faithfully
[ ]
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11th November 2025
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The headlines are eye-catching.


Other, similar front pages are here.
What is going on?
And what can be usefully said from a United Kingdom perspective about this threat by the President of the United States of America to sue our state broadcaster, the British Broadcasting Corporation?
This post is divided into three parts: (1) what is being complained about, (2) what can be said about the threat from a legal perspective, and (3) how this threat fits into he context of how President Trump uses civil litigation and threats of civil litigation.
In essence: what are the facts, what is the legal analysis, and what is the practical position.
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Posts like these take time and opportunity cost – and this blog (currently) is free-to-view and does not have advertising. So if you do genuinely value independent and informed law and policy commentary (rather than AI slop, client journalism, or litigation PR) please become a paying subscriber.
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Let us begin.
The complaint is in respect of a Panorama programme broadcast by the BBC on 28 October 2024, which is well over a year ago.
The BBC page for the programmes is here:

You will see on that page that “this episode is not currently available”.
You will also see that dates of the broadcast:

Note that the broadcast dates are before Trump’s successful election on 5 November 2024.
And if you look carefully at that page you will also see that the programme was not made by the BBC, but by a third-party production company. This was thereby not made directly by the BBC news teams, though they would have presumably reviewed and approved the content before broadcast.
This distinction between production and broadcast is not unusual for such programmes.
There is also no evidence that the programme broadcasts were readily available in the United States:

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As regards the content complained of, the Guardian have provided this handy comparison, which you should now click on and watch:

It is a speech by President Trump on 6 January 2021.
In the Panorama edit two parts of the speech are put together so to give the impression that a single statement was made – effectively a succinct incitement to violence:
“We’re going to walk down to the Capitol and I’ll be there with you, and we fight. We fight like hell.”
In fact the first part – “We’re going to walk down to the Capitol…” – and the last part – “…and we fight. We fight like hell” – were at different parts of the same speech. Indeed, the two passages are about 54 minutes apart.
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From a journalistic and editorial perspective, the Panorama edit is misleading. It conveys the false impression that the two statements were said in one go. There is nothing in the Panorama edit to suggest any passage of time between the two utterances.
As such, from a journalistic and editorial perspective, the Panorama edit is indefensible and it should not have been broadcast.
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However, not all journalistic and editorial errors are breaches of the law.
For such an error to be unlawful as well as unfortunate something else is needed. A complainant needs to bring the error into the scope of the applicable law, which in England and Wales, for example, would the laws of libel and of malicious falsehood.
A journalistic or editorial error is not, in and of itself, actionable at law.
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So what is the legal complaint of President Trump and his legal representatives?
According to Sky the legal letter is as follows:
Re: Demand to Retract False And Defamatory Statements About The President of the United States of America
Dear All:
This law firm serves as litigation counsel for President Donald J Trump (hereinafter referred to as “President Trump”). Please direct all future correspondence relating to this matter to my attention. This correspondence serves as a demand under Florida Statute § 770.011 that you immediately retract the false, defamatory, disparaging, and inflammatory statements made about President Trump, which were published in a Panorama documentary that was fabricated and aired by the BBC.
Failure to comply will leave President Trump with no choice but to pursue any and all legal rights and remedies available to recover damages for the overwhelming financial and reputational harm that the BBC has caused him to suffer, with all rights and remedies being expressly reserved by President Trump.
In the Panorama documentary, titled “Trump: A Second Chance”, which was first broadcast on October 28, 2024 – a week before the 2024 United States presidential election – the BBC intentionally sought to completely mislead its viewers by splicing together three separate parts of President Trump’s speech to supporters on January 6, 2021.
The documentary showed President Trump telling supporters: “We’re gonna walk down to the Capitol and I’ll be there with you and we fight. We fight like hell and if you don’t fight like hell, you’re not going to have a country anymore.”
This fabricated depiction of President Trump was false and defamatory given that President Trump’s actual and full remarks were: “We’re going to walk down, and I’ll be there with you, we’re going to walk down, we’re going to walk down any one of you but I think right here, we’re going to walk down to the Capitol and we’re going to cheer on our brave senators and congressman and women.”
Moreover, the BBC edited out President Trump saying, “I know that everyone here will soon be marching over to the Capitol building to peacefully and patriotically make your voices heard.” Thus, as set forth in an internal whistleblower memorandum, the BBC’s segment maliciously made it appear that President Trump “[said] things [he] never actually said,” by editing together footage from the start of the speech with a separate quote early an hour later.
Due to their salacious nature, the fabricated statements that were aired by the BBC have been widely disseminated throughout various digital mediums, which have reached tens of millions of people worldwide. Consequently, the BBC has caused President Trump to suffer overwhelming financial and reputational harm.
A. Applicable law
Words are defamatory under Florida law when “they tend to subject one to hatred, distrust, ridicule, contempt or disgrace or tend to injure one in one’s business or profession.” Johnston v. Borders, 36 F.4th 1254, 1275 (11th Cir. 2022) (quoting Am. Airlines, Inc. v. Geddes, 960 So. 2d 830, 833 (Fla. 3d DCA 2007) (citation and quotation marks omitted)). Statements are defamatory if “the defendant juxtaposes a series of facts so as to imply a defamatory connection between them, or creates a defamatory implication by omitting facts.” Johnston v. Borders, 36 F.4th 1254, 1275 (11th Cir. 2022) (quoting Jews for Jesus, 997 So. 2d at 1108).
Further, “where the speaker or writer neglects to provide the audience with an adequate factual foundation prior to engaging in the offending discourse, liability may arise.” See Zambrano v. Devanesan, 484 So. 2d 603, 607 (Fla. 4th DCA 1986).
Even if the BBC attempts to whitewash its conduct as simply an expression of its opinions, Florida law makes clear that such a defense will not absolve its liability. See Dershowitz v. Cable News Network, Inc., 541 F. Supp. 3d 1354, 1362 (S.D. Fla. 2021); see also Milkovich v. Lorain Journal Co., 497 U.S. 1, 18-19 (1990) (”Even if the speaker states the facts upon which he bases his opinion, if those facts are either incorrect or incomplete, or if his assessment of them is erroneous, the statement may still imply a false assertion of fact. Simply couching such statements in terms of opinion does not dispel these implications.”) (emphasis added); see also Eastern Air Lines, Inc. v. Gellert, 438 So. 2d 923, 927 (Fla. 3d DCA 1983) (“[A] statement that although ostensibly in the form of an opinion ‘implies the allegation of undisclosed defamatory facts as the basis for the opinion’ is actionable.”) (emphasis added).
Consequently, the BBC lacks any viable defense to the overwhelming reputational and financial harm it has caused President Trump to suffer.
B. Demand
The above-referenced false, defamatory, malicious, disparaging, and inflammatory statements were published to deliberately denigrate President Trump. The timing of the fabricated documentary is evident.
The BBC’s reckless disregard for the truth underscores the actual malice behind the decision to publish the wrongful content, given the plain falsity of the statements.
Accordingly, President Trump hereby demands that you:
1) immediately issue a full and fair retraction of the documentary and any and all other false, defamatory, disparaging, misleading, and inflammatory statements about President Trump in as conspicuous a manner as they were originally published;
2) immediately issue an apology for the false, defamatory, disparaging, misleading, and inflammatory statements about President Trump; and
3) appropriately compensate President Trump for the harm caused.
Moreover, please allow this letter to serve as notice to you, to your affiliated entities, subsidiaries, to all of their employees, and any other person acting on behalf of or in concert with the BBC, to preserve any and all evidence related in any way to the above-mentioned malicious, false, and defamatory statements the BBC published, and any other statements that the BBC has published regarding President Trump.
By way of this letter, the BBC is hereby directed not to destroy, conceal, or alter any paper or electronic files, physical evidence, and/or other data relating in any way, no matter how remote, to your false claims regarding President Trump, and/or the circumstances leading to their dissemination, including, but not limited to:
1) all communications between you and any third party in any way related to your wrongful claims regarding President Trump;
2) all sources for your false claims regarding President Trump;
3) any and all documents and data referring to, reflecting, or relating to communications between you and any such third parties or sources regarding your false claims regarding President Trump; and
4) any and all documents in any way related to your false claims regarding President Trump. This includes any information alleged to be protected by Florida Statute § 90.5015. Monarch Air Group, LLC v. Journalism Dev. Network, Inc., No. 23-CV-61256, 2025 WL 445491, at *1 (S.D. Fla. Feb. 10, 2025) (interpreting Fla. Stat. § 90.5015 and explaining that the Eleventh Circuit “recognizes a qualified privilege for journalists, allowing them to resist compelled disclosure of their professional news gathering efforts. This privilege shields reporters in both criminal and civil proceedings.”) (quoting United States v. Capers, 708 F.3d 1286, 1303 (11th Cir. 2013)).
I understand that many records and files are maintained electronically. However, this letter specifically requests that all paper and hard copy originals be maintained and preserved in their original format.
By the same token, electronic documents and the storage media on which they reside may contain relevant, discoverable information beyond that which may be found in printed documents. Therefore, even where a paper copy exists and has been preserved, please preserve and maintain all electronically stored documents in their original native format, including all metadata.
This preservation demand specifically encompasses any and all electronic documents, including but not limited to, all word-processed files, emails, spreadsheets, all databases, log files, and any other electronically stored and/or generated documents or files.
If the BBC does not comply with the above by November 14, 2025, at 5:00 p.m. EST, President Trump will be left with no alternative but to enforce his legal and equitable rights, all of which are expressly reserved and are not waived, including by filing legal action for no less than $1,000,000,000 (One Billion Dollars) in damages.
The BBC is on notice.
PLEASE GOVERN YOURSELF ACCORDINGLY.
[ ]
(That last term in block capitals is a feature of US litigation letters.)
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There some rather odd things about this legal threat.
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First, the letter states in three places about the the reputational harm caused to Trump:
“…the BBC lacks any viable defense to the overwhelming reputational and financial harm it has caused President Trump to suffer”
“…the overwhelming financial and reputational harm that the BBC has caused him to suffer”
“…the BBC has caused President Trump to suffer overwhelming financial and reputational harm.”
The Panorama programme was broadcast in the United Kingdom days before Trump was re-elected in the United States.
It is impossible to see how Trump being re-elected is consistent with him suffering any harm by the broadcast, let alone “overwhelming financial and reputational harm”.
And if you look closely at the letter, no harm is even shown – let alone “overwhelming financial and reputational harm”.
Instead harm is merely asserted – rather than demonstrated.
As such this seems a weak litigation letter.
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The failure by this letter to show harm then feeds into the threat that Trump may sue for “no less than $1,000,000,000 (One Billion Dollars) in damages.”
Because no harm is shown, this figure is arbitrary.
The letter may have said one dollar or a trillion dollars and would have made as much rational sense.
It is a preposterous demand.
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The letter is also alert to the inconvenient truth that the programme was not actually broadcast in the United States. This is is why the following passage is included:
“…the fabricated statements that were aired by the BBC have been widely disseminated throughout various digital mediums, which have reached tens of millions of people worldwide.”
There is no evidence in the letter that anyone in the United States, let alone Florida, either saw the programme or even know of its existence.
Interestingly, in the demands for document retention, the letter fails to even ask the BBC for evidence of the extent of downloads and broadcasts of the programme. This is a strange omission, if this was a serious legal threat.
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I am not an American lawyer, and so I can offer no view on the merits of this legal threat under the laws of Florida. Even what can seem weak litigation letters may have traction in other jurisdictions.
But if this threat was made under the laws of England and Wales (Scotland and Northern Ireland have their own legal systems) one would say that this claim also had its weaknesses over here.
First, it is would be out of time: there is a one year limitation period.
Second: the claimant would have to show – and not merely assert – serious damage to their reputation. The letter does not do so.
And third: the ceiling for damages claims for libel in England and Wales is about £300,000 – and any award over £100,000 is rare.
This rules out one million pound claims, let alone one billion pound claims.
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Would the BBC have any defence in a hypothetical case brought in England, regardless of the above defences?
A straight defence of truth would not be available – Trump did not say what the Panorama edit had him saying, at least not in one go.
However, the truth defence also covers things which are “substantially” true. This is a riskier defence to mount, but if the BBC did mount it would be along the lines of Trump did effectively promote an insurrection, even if he did not say in one go what was said in the Panorama edit.
Here the BBC could point to findings of Congressional committees and the terms of the impeachment of Trump passed by the House of Representatives (even though he was not convicted by the Senate). The BBC could also say that the 54 minute gap between the statements did not necessarily mean that the latter statement – “fight like hell” – was not an incitement.
An English court would also have regard to the programme as a whole, and also to Trump’s speech as a whole.
Whether Trump was an insurrectionist would presumably not be something Trump would want to have decided by an English court on the basis of the civil standard of proof – the balance of probabilities.
On the other hand, it was a bad journalistic and editorial fail, and so the BBC would not relish this being decided by the London high court either.
On the face of it, if this was litigated at the high court in London (and assuming limitation was not a problem, and the claimant was able to show serious damage) one could see it going either way, though one would expect a successful claim to be worth only about £30,000.
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Stepping back, what we have here is an overstated claim on a somewhat artificial basis. Until recent news reports, one suspects neither Trump nor anyone else in the US even knew about the Panorama programme.
And given he was re-elected president (in the USA) days after broadcast (in the UK), any claim for damages would seem to fall flat.
But.
The facts of the Panorama edit are ugly for the BBC. It was a bad mistake, and so it would not be one where a confident defence could be mounted.
And this, in turn, means Trump has leverage.
Trump loves leverage.
For Trump, civil litigation is a form of deal-making – the promotion of his political and business interests by other means.
One should not approach his legal manoeuvres as if they are cases that will go all the way. They are skirmishes intended to force a deal, a compromise, a back-down by the other side.
A confident BBC would admit a mistake and move on without admitting legal liability.
But we do not have a confident BBC.
We have a media corporation lacking confidence.
Trump loves media corporations -and other institutions – that lack confidence.
And although one would hope the BBC would mount a complete defence to any claim being brought in a jurisdiction where a programme was not even broadcast and where no damage has been shown, one can also imagine the BBC seeking to make amends including by means of compensation (of licence fee payers money) so as to avoid litigation.
The litigation letter may be weak, but Trump’s underlying practical position is strong: the BBC made a mistake, and he knows how to take full advantage of it.
So putting aside the theatrics of a bombastic letter with its senseless $1 billion claim, there is a power play here which Trump has done many times before.
And the real mistake of the BBC (and the production company) was opening itself up to such a play of power.
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29th October 2025
We have a tendency to think in binaries – and this is certainly true about when we think about constitutions and constitutionalism.
We will take a view on whether a politician is acting either within a constitution or not.
And if not, we may use emphatic phrases with redundant adverbs: “[A] is completely disregarding the constitution” or “[B] is totally ignoring the constitution” – and so on.
But with the case of Trump and others, this is not correct, “completely” or “totally” or otherwise.
For in practice Trump keen on the constitutional protections that protect him and confer on him powers, and his various supporters are keen on the constitutional provisions that protect them and give them powers.
The constitution is not disregarded or ignored when it is to their advantage.
When it suits them, the constitution is very much intact.
They just do not want those elements of the constitution that check and balance them, or which confer rights on those they want to attack
It is one-way constitutionalism.
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Over at Prospect (click here) my latest “weekly constitutional” post applies this general observation to a couple of concrete examples: about how the Trump-allied Speaker of the House of Representatives is using his powers to not swear in a political opponent over a month after she was elected, and how the conservative majority on the Supreme Court are using a “shadow docket” to determine cases in the government’s favour without full hearings.
But there are many other examples – consider Trump’s use of the pardon power to circumvent and frustrate accountability in the criminal justice system, or how is using executive orders to usurp the proper role of Congress (with Congress nodding-along).
All these examples are, in their different ways, uses and abuses of powers and rights allocated by the constitution.
If Trump and his allies were genuinely disregarding the constitution they would not be able to do these things.
Instead what they are doing is gaming the constitution.
A constitution for me, but not for thee.
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As such, they are adopting a similar approach to how they deal with other matters of first principle.
Free speech for me, but not for thee.
Law and order for thee, but not for me.
And so on.
As someone once described conservatism, though it also is wider application:
Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit:
There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect.
There is nothing more or else to it, and there never has been, in any place or time.
This is formal power using a one-way valve.
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If full, two-way constitutionalism is to be restored in the United States and elsewhere it will not be a case of building up from ground zero.
It will be a far more difficult exercise stabilising and remedying a structure which has half-fallen down – and against the unwilling occupants of the still-stable bits.
Restoring constitutionalism will be a big job – and it will be more demanding than, say, having a revolution and starting again.
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15th September 2025
There are only so many ways of saying that the United States polity is broken.
There is a lot going on over there, and what is going on requires explanation, but there is little or nothing that can now be usefully said from a United Kingdom constitutionalist blog.
This is because looking at it from a constitutionalist perspective is – at least for now – a redundant exercise.
Indeed, one could go so far to say that their constitution is no longer even in crisis. It is instead damaged, perhaps irrecoverably so.
It is post-crisis.
It is almost as if their constitution is no longer there.
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The important thing – crucial thing – is to ensure the United Kingdom’s polity does not follow suit.
For – as I set out in Prospect recently – the United Kingdom constitution is perhaps more vulnerable to an illiberal radical takeover than the United States one.
Our doctrine of parliamentary supremacy, together with the royal prerogative and the legion of “Henry VIII” powers already in legislation, mean that an incoming government with a firm majority will have near-absolute legal power.
The prospect of such a possibility should, of course, make our current government and parliament want to repair the constitutional roof before a radical illiberal storm arrives.
(House of Lords reform, electoral reform, reforming statutory instruments, placing the remaining prerogative powers on a statutory basis, and so on.)
But, of course, they will not.
And, also of course, many constitutional reforms could be undone in a couple of years by a government with a firm majority: no parliament can bind its successor.
But at least an incoming radical illiberal government in the United Kingdom would be prevented from doing at speed and at scale what is happening in the United States.
There is going to be a concerted effort to bounce the United Kingdom into an early general election. But even if this parliament runs its normal course, our polity is simply there for the taking.
Brace, brace.
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This post originally had the title “The pointlessness of UK constitutional commentary on US events – why there is little or nothing useful now to say on US constitutional events from a UK perspective”
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Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.
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10th September 2025
The Speaker of the House of Representative Mike Johnson yesterday told elected civil politicians to “yield” to military force.

A video of the remarks can be seen here.
President Donald Trump is already using ICE and the National Guard like two personal armies.
And Congress and the Courts are nodding along with rather than checking and balancing each abuse of executive power.
There are of course lots of dark moments, lots of points of concern.
Yet the Speaker telling elected civil politicians to “yield” to the domestic use of military force is especially significant.
In both the United States and the United Kingdom, a good deal of our constitutional traditions were borne out of restricting what the executive could do domestically with military force.
The question of who controls “legitimate” coercive and lethal power is perhaps the most fundamental issue in any constitutional politics.
(By “legitimate” is meant that the control will be upheld by the courts if challenged – assuming a challenge is possible.)
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And anyone with a knowledge of Northern Ireland knows that the domestic deployment of troops will cause its own social and political problems.

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Troops are, by definition, not civil police.
And although there can be some overlap in their training and experience, troops are not especially well positioned to do civil policing.
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Of course, the suspicion must be that the internal mobilisation of troops is not for the purported reason of addressing crime.
That purported reason makes little or no sense – as there are other ways the federal government could assist Democrat cities with crime. And the crime rate in Washington DC, where troops have already been mobilised, is historically low.
One reason may be that this is being done for perceived political advantage, perhaps with one eye on the mid-terms.
Imagine troops and ICE “patrolling” voting stations.
Indeed, a good deal of what is happening in the United States seems to be Trump and his supporters thinking backwards from the mid-terms and putting in place measures so as to ensure they do not lose votes and seats.
Trump’s supporters are putting a lot of thought and energy into maintaining power.
Another reason for this mobilisation is that – like a dog licking itself – this is being done simply because Trump can do it, and he knows nobody will stop him.
Congress and the Courts could stop all this immediately, if they wanted to do so.
But they will not.
For they have, well, yielded.
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This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.
Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.
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3rd September 2025
Like a tango, it takes two to start a civil war.
If the aggression of one ‘side’ is not met by resistance of the other ‘side’, then you may have many things – repression, tyranny – but you will not have a civil war.
At the moment, the illiberals in the United States seem to be having it one way: authoritarian commands and extreme measures mount up every day.
The main opposition party – the Democrats – seem to caught out and off-guard by each move – at least on the national level.
And so we have the sound of one hand slapping.
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The illiberals may assume that they will always have it so easy – that they can act with impunity with no consequence.
(And hubris of illiberals has often been the best protection against illiberalism.)
But.
There can be a point where even the liberals turn.
And if that is the case, then we may shift from a one-sided onslaught to some form of civil conflict.
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Usually fundamental political disputes can be resolved, well, politically.
That is the primary job of constitutions: to regulate political tensions.
But when constitutional arrangements are not working then political tensions cannot easily be resolved politically.
And the trashing of the United States constitution by Trump and his supporters and appointees mean that political opposition may have to find another way.
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This is why reneging on constitutional arrangements is playing with fire.
For fundamental political tensions will still exist. They don’t go away.
Nobody knows if civil conflict will start in US.
But what is happening now is certainly one way how a civil war could start.
The breakdown of constitutional mechanisms to resolve tensions, leading to use of coercive and even lethal force by both ‘sides’.
So sadly civil conflict is one foreseeable outcome of the current escalations, regarding Chicago and elsewhere.
Brace brace.
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Comments Policy
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Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.
More on the comments policy is here.
How President Donald Trump is forcing perhaps the most basic question in constitutional law
There are many things which can be regarded as fundamental to constitutionalism and constitutional law: the Rule of Law, the Separation of Powers, Representative Democracy, Judicial Review, Civil Liberties and Human Rights, and so on.
All grand-sounding phrases, each complete with their own Capital Letters.
But there is perhaps a thing even more fundamental to constitutionalism and constitutional law than any of these heady terms and what those heady concepts convey.
And that thing is power over legitimate coercive – and indeed lethal – force.
A thing so fundamental that it does not have its own impressive phrase with Capital Letters because it is so rarely a practical issue, let alone something contested.
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Here the word “legitimate” is important.
There are human groupings – say, for example, gangster states, where there is certainly coercive and lethal force. Societies dominated by outlaws and pirates and so on.
Wretched hives of scum and villainy, where one must be careful.
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But what “legitimate” force means is that the coercive and lethal force has a legal basis, that can be upheld by and (at least in theory) challenged in a formal process with regard to accepted general rules.
In essence: that power to inflict coercive and lethal force – ie, control of the armed forces and methods of law enforcement – is concentrated in the hands of a lawful authority.
Or in even more essential terms: who actually controls the army and the police?
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In the United States and the United Kingdom, as well as elsewhere, contol over the army and the police is, in general terms, shared.
The executive has day-to-day control, but is accountable to the legislature for what is done, and the legislature has power over the purse strings; and the executive is also subject to the courts so that such force is used lawfully.
In the United States, for example, there are express constitutional provisions and rights (supposedly) limiting what the presidency can and cannot do with the armed services.
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In the United States, however, President Donald Trump seems to be moving away from shared control of the police and armed forces. He appears to want to have sole control: to be able to order the national guard, the FBI, ICE, and other armed forces and law enforcement agencies against his own civilians.

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In one way, this is not unusual: presidents around the world like to have sole control over legitimate coercive and lethal power.
It is only sentimentality and a sense of American exceptionalism that makes one think what Trump is doing is any different from any increasingly dictatorial president usurping the powers of others within their polity.
To their credit, some are making a stand against this.
Here is Governor JB Pritzker of Illinois:

But yet again, the institutions posited in the (codified) constitution of the United States – Congress and the judiciary – are nodding along with what Trump is doing, offering neither check nor balance.
What Trump wants to do is not special – there are always Trumps and they always want to do things like this. But one test of a constitutional regime is the extent to which they are allowed to get away with it.
One-by-one Trump has trashed the other lauded fundamental elements of the United States constitution and its culture of constitutionalism: he Rule of Law, the Separation of Powers, Representative Democracy, Judicial Review, Civil Liberties and Human Rights, and so on.
And now he is getting down to the most basic of basics: who has control over legitimate coercive and lethal power – that is, power that will be upheld by the courts even when challenged?
And if it is concentrated in him, then there will be little practical difference between the United States and a gangster state: in essence, if not in form, a wretched hive of scum and villainy.
We must be careful.
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13th August 2025
There was once such a thing, in the United States and elsewhere, as constitutional conservatism.
This was a body of thought which provided an approach to thinking and acting about constitutional issues. It was a body of thought which, of course, would not be that shared by a liberal or a progressive, but it was a set of ideas and practices nonetheless. One could disagree with it, but it was there.
And now, it has gone.
It was dissolved into barely a puddle, like the wicked witch at the end of the film of the Wizard of Oz.


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But not long ago, it was whole and (seemingly) formidable – again like a wicked witch.
It put forward arguments on States’ Rights.
It put forward arguments against the abuses of federal government.
It was aghast at situations like the Waco siege of 1993 where federal lethal power was used against individuals.
It took precedent seriously and also the settled caselaw of the courts.
It took individual rights seriously, including in respect of due process when challenging executive power.
It took Congress seriously, in setting the parameters in what presidents could and could not do, in economic policy and in directing military action.
As a reader of a liberal constitutionalist blog, you probably would have disagreed with some or all of this conservative constitutionalism.
Yet it existed for you to disagree with.
And now, it is a puddle.
A puddle where a serious body of thought used to exist.
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We now instead have a president who wants to use and abuse lethal and coercive power to the hilt, regardless of Congressional oversight and States’ Rights. A president who wants to militarise the capital city.
A president who cannot get enough of “emergency” powers to rule by decree – for such “emergency” situations as placing tariffs on an island of penguins.
And Congress and the courts stand by, and even clap and cheer.
They could stop him, with the powers vested in them by the codified constitution of the United States.
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For there are always Trumps – the difference is what the holders of the checks and balances do to prevent Trumps (and their allies) doing as they wish.
But all those earnest conservative articulations and expositions about how the constitution would prevent the abuse of power were for nothing.
All those stout defences of States Rights and the Bill of Rights were for nothing.
There is just now a puddle.
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31st July 2025
At the beginning of The Lion, The Witch and the Wardrobe it is always winter and never Christmas.
In the United States at the moment, as well as in some other places, it seems that it is always a carnival and never Lent.
Here ‘carnival’ is meant as a period where usual norms and rules are disregarded, a time for ‘anything goes’ – which, in US law and policy terms, means anything the federal government can get away with.

And it is not any old carnival, but one where the federal government is be as cruel as possible to those to whom it can be cruel.
It is thereby a carnival – a carnival of cruelty.
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There is a quaint view that human beings need some reason to be cruel.
This is the view associated generally with, say, discussion of the Milgram experiment or the ongoing historiographical debates over the actions of the German reserve police battalion 101, where there is discussion over the motives of those who are cruel – and whether they are being merely obedient to authority.
But human beings often do not need a pretext or a reason, still less a justification, to be cruel to other human beings.
They just need an opportunity.
Some of the commentary about the approach of the Trump presidency emphasises the cruelty:


If this is the case – and the impression conveyed by what is being reported by the news indicates this is the case – then where does that leave law and policy?
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In a modern liberal democracy one fundamental – indeed, absolute – value is that cruelty is wrong.
In the words of Judith Shklar, cruelty is the worst thing we can do.
(Shklar, like Hannah Arendt, is a political philosopher whose work is now more relevant than one would like.)
A liberal democracy thereby often proceeds on the happy assumptions that creulty can be banned and that, left to themselves, those with political or coercive power will not be cruel – and if they are, there will be legal protections for those facing the cruelty.
But what if those with political and coercive power do not care anymore about being cruel – or even being seen as cruel?
And what if those who are supposed to check and balance those with political and coercive power – the legislature or the judiciary – nod-along with the cruelty, and even clap and cheer?
One by one, each of the hallowed constitutional principles of a liberal democracy have been found to be an empty slogan.
A codified constitution has offered no protection – when there is no constitutionalism.
The seperation of powers offers no protection – when those powers are aligned against the individual.
The rule of law offers no protection – when the courts uphold unlawful decrees, and stay or deny all challenges.
The carnival of cruelty continues, and continues – and nothing intrinsic to the polity can bring it to an end.
No polite, uniformed grown-up is going to suddenly turn up on the beach (from their own warship) and bring an end to this lordship of the flies:

This is a two-minute hate which lasts rather longer:
As Adam Serwer set out first in a remarkable essay and then in a book, the cruelty is the point.
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Until and unless there are any elections that mean that the policy will change, there is little that can be done to face this down completely.
But there are things: litigation is still being brought, pressure is still being placed on legislators, and the media are still reporting things (else we would not be aware of various abuses) – and there is still the prospect of elections (though some rightly fear about whether those elections will be free and fair).
The carnival of cruelty has not consumed everyone, and one can still see it from the outside, and there are still parts of the town as yet untouched.
One day the carnival of cruelty may come to an end.
But this is not a good time for law and policy in the United States (and elsewhere).
The institutions and constitutional principles that were there to protect individuals from an illiberal, cruel state have been tested, and they have failed.
And if – if – liberals and progressives are ever back in power, considerable thought needs to be applied to how such a total law and policy failure can be avoided next time.
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