The silences after a threat of genocide

9 April 2026

The impotence of both constitutional law and international law

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What happens when the leader of the most powerful military nation in the world threatens to commit genocide?

Like this:

Well, it seems, from the perspectives of constitutional law and international law, that nothing happens.

Things could happen, of course.

There are two constitutional mechanism within the United States constitution for removing Donald Trump from office. Neither has been used or seem likely to be used.

There are sorts of sanctions that the international community could place on Trump. None have been used or seem likely to be used.

And so, as I set out in Prospect today (click kere):

we have a situation where perhaps the most serious threat imaginable is made and there is nothing which will be done or can be done.

One can legitimately ask what the purpose is of either constitutional law or international law if not to deal with situations like this.

Law is intended to deal with big things as well as little things.

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Some things are significant when they happen.

And some things are significant when they do not happen.

And what is perhaps far more significant than the unpleasant and extreme post of Trump is that nothing happened, at least in respect of constitutional law or international law.

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The Mueller report was a turning-point where United States history failed to turn

24th March 2026

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Hello and welcome to The Empty City blog, the new name of which is explained here.

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The cynical reframing of the report by Trump’s administration worked in our low attention span age

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The historian AJP Taylor once described the 1848 revolutions as a turning-point where German history failed to turn.

In the recent political and constitutional history of the United States there have been a few of these non-turning-points.

Most glaringly, one can point to those two failures by the Senate to convict the twice-impeached President Donald Trump.

But the death a few days ago of Robert Mueller reminds us of a particular media-political-constitutional non-turning-point: what happened and did not happen in 2019, when his report into on the investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election was published.

Front page of Mueller report

 

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The content of the report was damning of in its details. On this see the useful and important post by former federal prosecutor Joyce Vance published today.

But as with all formal texts, we need to understand both the purpose of the text and its context.

It was a report, and nothing other than a report.

It was not an indictment, and still less a judicial determination.

And the report did the job of a report, leaving it to decision-makers to make decisions based on the report.

The evidence and findings in the report would speak for themselves.

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But.

The evidence and findings in the report did not get to speak for themselves: they were drowned out.

The report was stymied on release by an effective and cynical countering operation involving the then attorney general William Barr and others.

The report had little chance in our low-attention-span age.

The report had 448 pages and no sound-bite summary.

In contrast, the Barr letter sent to Congress (mis)characterising the report and (mis)describing the content of the report was a mere 4 pages and was packed with quotable lines.

Top of the Barr letter

It was a sign of our times that the Barr letter got traction in politics and in the mainstream media and on social media and the throrough investigation set out in the report did not.

Trump even asserted that the report had cleared him.

But Trump’s response to Mueller’s death suggests that he never really believed that to be true.

Trump social media post saying “Robert Mueller just died. Good, I’m glad he’s dead. He can no longer hurt innocent people! President DONALD J. TRUMP”

“Robert Mueller just died. Good, I’m glad he’s dead. He can no longer hurt innocent people! President DONALD J. TRUMP”

If Trump genuinely believed he had been cleared by Mueller he really could not have posted that graceless response.

But he doesn’t, so he did.

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In a way, the intensity of Trump’s response is a testament to Mueller’s diligent work on the report.

As is said on Christopher Wren’s tomb: si monumentum requiris, circumspice (if you seek a monument, look around).

If you want a monument to Mueller’s report look at Trump’s unpleasant response.

But what you don’t have as a monument was any adverse consequences for Trump.

Trump carried on as if the report never was published.

Trump was never held accountable for what was detailed in the report.

The Mueller report and the response to it was a turning-point where American history failed to turn.

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Why the United States attack on the school in Minab matters

23rd March 2026

The facts of the incident point to a breach of international law

 

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Hello and welcome to The Empty City blog, the new name of which is explained here.

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Let us assume the following facts:

1. that there was a guided missile;

2. that this guided missile had a pre-selected target; and

3. that this guided missile struck that pre-selected target as it was intended to do so.

If the missile was not a guided missile, or that it struck a target that was not the pre-selected target, then one or more of the facts posited above would not be true. But let us assume those facts are the case.

Let now assume the following additional facts:

4. that a school was the pre-selected target;

5. that the guided missile struck that pre-selected target as it was intended to do so; and

6. that over one hundred schoolchildren were killed in that strike.

If these facts are also true then there is a question about fact (4): was the school a deliberate target? Was the building selected for the strike by someone (or something) knowing it was a school?

If so, then there would be a war crime, as schools are protected from such attacks under international law – on this see the able article by former Prime Minister Gordon Brown here.

But what if the school was selected by someone (or something) without realising it was a school?

Then the question becomes whether that someone (or something) should have known it was a school.

And if they did not do everything feasible to verify the status of a targeted object then the targeter is also culpable and in breach of international law.

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Over at Prospect – click here – I have done a post on whether the attack by the United States on a school in Minab is a breach of international law.

It would appear that from 2016 onwards, public domain and open source information would have shown that the school was no longer part of an adjacent compound of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

screengrab of new report on opensource material

This means that anybody (or anything) that bothered to check what they were actually doing with this $3.5 million piece of hardware, of which the United States only has a limited number, would have realised that the school was not a military target.

On costs grounds alone one would have thought they would check whether a missile would be ‘wasted’ – let alone humanitarian grounds.

But, as this New York Times report reveals, it seems that the United States did not bother to check up-to-date information. Instead the United States relied on out-of-date information, and so over one hundred schoolchildren were killed.

screengrab of NYT article

And Reuters now reports that United States military now realise they have a problem over this strike and have elevated the status of their internal inquiry.

At least the incident is being investigated.

Of course, few will feel confident that such an inquiry will lead to any open admission of culpability or any sanction against any individual.

You will probably have the Jean Charles de Menezes sort-of-situation where there was an overall, system failure – a lethal failure – but no particular person will take any blame.

But as the Prospect article concludes: in the current context of Artificial Intelligence, it would seem the application of human intelligence to public domain, open source information would mean over one hundred schoolchildren would probably still be alive today.

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This post is also cross posted at The Empty City substack, which is run in parallel with this blog.

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What is not happening with constitutionalism in the United States and the United Kingdom

11th March 2026

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Hello and welcome to The Empty City blog on law, policy, and lore – the new name of which is explained here.

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A look at constitutionalism (and the lack of it) in the United States and United Kingdom, with reference to a 1980s computer magazine column

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The first journalist who I knew by name was Lloyd Mangram, the writer of a monthly round-up of news for that wonderful 1980s magazine for Sinclair Spectrum users, Crash.

(Yes, I was a Speccie – less earnest than the BBC micro users, less bombastic than the Commodore 64 users, and less exotic than a Dragon 32 user.)

The Merely Mangram column was cheerfully discursive and leisurely, and it gave a better sense of what was going on (and not going on) generally in that world – especially for this then-teenage reader – than the news reports, interviews and reviews elsewhere in the computer press.

So you can imagine the devastation when I discovered one day that Lloyd Mangram did not actually exist – that this supposed author was actually a composite persona put together by the other magazine writers.

Lloyd Mangram was a fiction!

This was when I first learned to be cynical about the media.

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Nonetheless, there is merit in that sort of discursive commentary – especially about human affairs.

News reports are necessarily narrow; op-eds often promote a preconceived “angle” with motivated reasoning; explainers invariably work backwards from what topical particular point needs to be quickly explained.

But if [A] has some connection to [B], and in the meantime [C] is not happening, then a discursive approach can sometimes give more insight in what is going on, than any news report, an op-ed, or explainer.

And as Kenneth Tynan (who I think definitely existed?) says somewhere, the job of a critic is not only to say what is happening, but also to say what is not happening. This must also be true of a commentator.

Yet commenting on something which is not happening is not really what our media is geared to do, if you think about it. There is enough going on report and analyse, without setting out what is not happening.

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In respect of the United States, what is not happening explains a great deal of what is happening.

What is not happening is any overall sense of constitutionalism.

President Trump and his circle are doing the worst of things, at home and abroad. There is a general approach of cruelty and violence, from Minnesota to the Indian Ocean .

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But.

There are always Trumps. There are always Vances and Millers and Hegseths and Noems.

There are always knaves and fools, and there always those those who will serve knaves and fools.

The question is how constitutional arrangements – the division of powers, the checks and balances, the rule of law and the guarantees of certain fundamental rights – have failed and are failing to prevent what is happening.

The arrangements are there: Trump and his circle could face removal by impeachment at a stroke, and their antics could be consistently held to be unlawful.

Yet that is not happening.

What is not happening is any constitutionalist approach to restrain Trump and his circle.

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Here in the United Kingdom we have a different sort of thing which is not happening in respect of constitutional matters.

We have a supposedly left-of-centre government with a former human rights lawyer as Prime Minister – and with similar lawyers and ex-lawyers in prominent positions.

But we do not have any consistent overall view to constitutionalism and constitutional reform.

Yesterday – hurrah! – there was a vote passing the removal of hereditary peers from the House of Lords, some 115 years after such peers were allowed to remain in the legislature with what was intended to be a temporary stay.

This reform is the minimum required – and a great deal of Lords reform is undone, as is any (and arguably more important) Commons reform.

And also yesterday – boo! – there was a vote restricting trials by jury.

This change, of course, will make little or no difference to court backlogs, which to deal with requires resources at scale.

And as this blog has said many times, juries are less important for the powers that they have, than for the powers that they prevent others from having.

Again, this change is not part of any overall constitutional vision.

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Many of the problems in the United States and United Kingdom come about from what is not not being done.

And in our focus of twenty-four news and doomscrolling, we are perhaps less able to notice what is not happening.

As one Speccie computer game character would have said:

“Is there any point to which you would wish to draw my attention?”

“To the curious incident of the dog in the nighttime.”

“The dog did nothing in the night-time.”

“That was the curious incident,” remarked Sherlock Holmes.

Sherlock | The Digital Antiquarian

(Source)

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This post is also cross posted at The Empty City substack, which is run in parallel with this blog.

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Will the Carnival ever end?

Shrove Tuesday, 2026

The Contest between Carnival and Lent

by Pieter Bruegel the Elder (source)

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Today is Shrove Tuesday, a moveable date which is reckoned as forty days before Palm Sunday.

Not long ago it was Candlemas, a fixed date – 2nd February – which is reckoned as forty days after Christmas.

(Candlemas, of course, has a special place on this blog.)

The gap between these dates is really a bridge between midwinter and the coming of spring.

It appears that the earliest possible date for Shrove Tuesday is 3rd February. The last time it was that early was in 1818. It seems the next time will be in 2285.

And so the two forty day periods reckoned respectively by Christmas and Easter can never actually overlap.

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This blog has previously noted that the political culture of the United States – and to an extent in other places including the United Kingdom – is akin to the Carnival before Lent:

There are signs of push-back in the United States: with grand juries and state governments, and even in Congress and federal courts.

But the agents of misrule still are generally in power.

Many watching are waiting for the mid-term elections this November to see whether the current chaos can be paused; some are even actively seeking to avoid such an outcome.

But even if the mid-terms bring some relief from the carnival of cruelty in the United States, it will take far more than forty days to reverse the mess that has been created.

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This is not a religious blog (I happen to be a non-militant atheist) but it is one concerned with lore as well as law, and a great deal of lore is to do with the passage of time and/or with the competing states of order and disorder.

Once the mid-terms come and go – whatever their outcome – what is happening now will be seen as having the inevitable consequence of what happens then.

Hindsight is perhaps the greatest and trickiest of hobgoblins.

As it stands, however, the outcome of what is now happening is uncertain.

We do not know who will win this contest between Carnival and Lent; we do not even know if it currently amounts to much of a contest.

But disorder, like order, is never bound to last forever.

Carnivals can and do eventually come to an end, even if not promptly forty days before an arbitrary date.

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1642’s Five Members vs 2026’s Six Members

12th February 2026

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On Mandelson’s emails – how to think about disclosed documentary evidence

3rd February 2026

You probably have seen the disclosures of the emails purportedly from Lord Mandelson from when he was business secretary.

On the face of it, these emails raise serious questions which warrant further enquiry and investigation.

(And if you want speculation about legal liability this really is not the blog for you.)

There are also questions we can ask of this documentary evidence, and observations that we can perhaps make.

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First of all: no documentary evidence exists in a vacuum.

Every text has, well, a context.

(Think about the words text and context.)

The Epstein files are not a disinterested archive.

The documents were collected for a purpose and were stored for a purpose.

According to the relevant legislation, the disclosed documents comprise “all unclassified records, documents, communications, and investigative materials in DOJ’s possession that relate to the investigation and prosecution of Jeffrey Epstein”.

So one question that can be asked of the documents disclosed so far is: do they explain the prosecutorial decisions (and also the defense and any judicial decisions) in respect of the “the investigation and prosecution of Jeffrey Epstein”?

If there is a gap between what has been disclosed and what these documents need to explain, then one can get a sense of what documents have not (yet) been disclosed (whether for good reasons or bad).

Of each document one should ask: how does this document relate to “the investigation and prosecution of Jeffrey Epstein”?

For if the document does not relate to the that investigation and prosecution, then it should not have been collected, and it would not have been disclosed.

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From a cynical perspective, there is always corruption in and around government.

What seems to have been revealed with these United Kingdom disclosures emails is clumsiness and arrogance.

A less clumsy and less arrogant approach would have meant such emails never existing.

Westminster and Whitehall is full of leaks: off the record briefings and so on.

There is complex and thriving entire unofficial information economy in SW1.

The sort of state information seemingly forwarded by Mandelson to Epstein is similar to documents which are routinely forwarded or briefed to journalists and advisers and lobbyists and researchers and think tanks.

“Sources close to….”

“Friends of…”

“Whitehall insiders say…”

Such unauthorised communications and disclosure are rife in Westminster and Whitehall.

What Lord Mandelson appears to have done is an especially significant breach involving highly market sensitive information.

But if so, its significance is really of scale, and not of type.

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There appears to be many documents covered by the Epstein files disclosure legislation that, contrary to the terms of the statute, have not been disclosed.

No government discloses adverse information easily or voluntarily, or indeed often at all.

Especially if, as with the Trump administration, there is a generally casual and indeed defiant attitude towards mandatory legislation and court orders.

Maybe there will inadvertent disclosure of documents that will seriously damage the Trump presidency, if such documents actually exist.

But it is difficult to believe that the (current) federal government would knowingly disclose such documents, regardless of what the courts and Congress say.

Little or nothing, however, can stop a government disclosing documents that adversely affect others.

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Every document has a context, and every disclosure also has a context.

And so the questions to always ask are:

– what does the document relate to, and what does it not relate to?

and

– why was this document disclosed – now and by whom and for what purpose?

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Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

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Thinking about what has happened in Minnesota

27th January 2026

For the last few weeks those of us outside of Minnesota have had glimpses via social media of the street violence and other thuggery of federal government agents.

As this blog has said before, it is as if we are Christopher Isherwood observing the violence and other thuggery in the streets of early 1930s Berlin. There is what we could see – but there was also what that indicated about what we could not see, and about what may happen next.

As it happens, two gross incidents were actually caught on camera and footage quickly circulated on social media: the summary executions of Renée Good and Alex Pretti.

The shared footage showed both killings to be murders, notwithstanding the lies immediately asserted by federal government figures and their supporters.

Federal government figures and their supporters wanted people to disbelieve what they could see, and to believe what they were told instead.

It was a sheer test of reality: you had to choose between the horrific obvious truth or the comforting official untruth.

And it was not obvious that many would pass this test.

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The lies told by federal government figures and their supporters about the murders of Good and Pretti had certain features.

One feature was the confidence that the lies would be adopted by others, even if not believed – that the lies would be sufficient for subservient mainstream media outlets to “both sides” the issue.

To its disgrace, the British Broadcasting Corporation even led with “analysis” slop about “sharply contradicted narratives”.

(Source)

The federal government figures and their supporters promoting these lies had every reason to believe this tactic would work, for it has worked so many times before.

But this time the lies did not work

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One reason the lies did not work was because of another feature of those lies.

The lies come from a certain type of superficial politics.

For example, federal government figures and their supporters talk about “free speech” whilst using the law in various ways to silence and punish unwanted speech; they talk about “non-intervention” but clap and cheer at casual use of lethal force abroad; they talk about “free trade” and “free enterprise” while nodding along with erratic tariff setting; and so on.

Fine-sounding words and phrases which appear to be about first principles are in fact meaningless slogans.

These people simply do not think-through what they are saying – or they don’t care about what they are saying, which is much the same.

And this is where they here came a cropper, to use a British term.

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One immediate impulse of federal government figures and their supporters in respect of the killing of Alex Pretti was to blame the fact he had a legally possessed gun.

How they must have been so happy at coming up with this line, to combat the concerns of those horrified at the murder.

But so eager were they to “own the libs” they forgot about those who own the guns.

Their snap response was a contradiction of the rights which many in the United States believe to be protected by the second amendment – often small-c conservatives and Republican party supporters.

The witless federal government figures and their supporters did not realise the import of what they were saying in the rush to defend the federal agents who murdered Alex Pretti.

Often federal government figures and their supporters get away with a superficial approach to political principles – but here they tripped up very badly in the eyes of their natural supporters.

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The lies could not hold.

News reports began to mount of Republican politicians who would not be satisfied with what they were being told to believe.

The camera footage was plain; the lies made no sense.

Something seemed to snap.

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One theme of this blog and my posts elsewhere is that policing a large population is not easy.

I was brought up in the 1970s and 1980s Birmingham of the notorious West Midlands Serious Crime Squad:

And also during the Troubles, where the Royal Ulster Constabulary and other organs of the British state had little or no legitimacy or support with a significant portion of the people of the north of Ireland/Northern Ireland.

Policing and law enforcement generally requires the consent or at least the forbearance/acquiescence of the community.

Even the hateful and cruel Gestapo and the Stasi derived part of their power from the support – even enthusiasm – of many in their respective communities.

But one thing police or law enforcement agents should avoid is actively alienating the policed.

Casual and provocative brutality at scale is not a sustainable model for any police force or law enforcement agency.

It prompts counter networks of opposition and a loss of legitimacy among neutrals and the usually deferent.

And as in the north of Ireland/Northern Ireland, policing simply breaks down for significant portions of the local population.

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There now seems to be de-escalation in Minnesota.

The local head of the border force has been demoted and moved elsewhere.

The president’s spokesperson is making conciliatory noises.

The tide seems to have turned, leaving various fools and knaves exposed on the beach.

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If there is de-escalation then that will be a significant set back for the president and his adviser Stephen Miller in seeking to contrive a pretext for invoking the Insurrection Act.

As I set out here this is their obvious objective – but they also need to have a sound enough basis to survive legal challenge.

It would seem that they thought that fomenting disorder by heavy-handed use of the National Guard and now ICE/Border Patrol would create the circumstances where they could plausibly invoke the Insurrection Act.

But the thing about disorder is that it is, well, disorderly.

By definition, disorder does not go to plan.

And the disorder fomented in Minnesota has resulted in it being now harder for Miller and others to invoke the Insurrection Act: dishonesty has been exposed, natural supporters upset.

The cause of disorder is seen widely as the government itself, and not supposed “insurrectionists”.

Wise politicians avoid instability, as it rarely works out as instigators of instability intend.

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Just as this eventful month of January has seen something seemingly snap in international affairs, with how Trump was forced to climb down over Greenland and the prime minister of Canada setting out a coherent alternative vision to being bullied by the United States, something seems to have snapped internally in the United States too.

Ruptures inside, and out.

Of course, federal government figures and their supporters are still there, and they can find new ways to misuse and abuse power.

They will still seek to swagger and to intimidate.

Indeed, things may even get worse.

But both at home and abroad there has been a loss of deference to their aggression and dishonesty.

And that deference will be difficult for federal government figures and their supporters to regain easily.

Federal government figures and their supporters should remember that hubris is often followed by some nemesis or other.

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“…neither rhyme nor reason” – how we are currently in a situation where precedents and norms and laws and rules and theories offer no assistance.

20th January 2026

 

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“…neither rhyme nor reason.”

– Comedy of Errors, William Shakespeare

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What, if anything, is Trumpism?

There is not really any rhyme: there is no consistency or predictability in what he does. His actions in situation [A] will tell you little or nothing about what he may do in situation [B].

There are, at a general level, certain themes: he is indifferent to norms, he is cunning, he likes leverage, he will renege on deals, he has a sense for ratings, he will often back down. But these are tactics and improvisations: they say little or nothing about which subjects he will engage with next.

And nor is there is much reason: little or nothing he does makes sense, at least for the reasons he gives – or for the reasons his partisan supporters come up with to justify his actions and inactions.

It would be fair to say there is neither rhyme nor reason.

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From time to time, some opponents come up with a grand theory.

“Watch the money!” and “his billionaire pals!” for example – but often Trump and the super-wealthy would financially benefit more from other courses of action. His erratic antics with tariffs make no sense from the perspective of capitalistic self interest.

“Distraction from the Epstein Files!” is now falling flat while Trump and his circle are confident that they can simply ignore explicit legislation. Those documents are not easily going to be released against the will of Trump, whatever the huffing and puffing.

Perhaps his desire to keep out of courts and prison may be his primal motivating factor, but when he was out of office between his presidencies he was deftly able to avoid any incarceration even when he was found criminally liable.

The only thing really which he wants is that most basic of all political objects: power.

But other than that fundamental political desire, there is no underlying theory, still less an ideology.

As Anne Applebaum wrote yesterday (broken up into smaller paragraphs):

For the past year, American allies around the world have tried very hard to find a theory that explains Trump’s behavior.

Isolationism, neo-imperialism, and patrimonialism are all words that have been thrown around.

But in the end, the president himself defeats all attempts to describe a “Trump doctrine.”

He is locked into a world of his own, determined to “win” every encounter, whether in an imaginary competition for the Nobel Peace Prize or a protest from the mother of small children objecting to his masked, armed paramilitary in Minneapolis.

These contests matter more to him than any long-term strategy.

And of course, the need to appear victorious matters much more than Americans’ prosperity and well-being.

We maybe need to look elsewhere than political theory to understand what is going on here: perhaps psychology or anthropology, perhaps proverbs and fables, perhaps cautionary fairy tales.

We maybe need to look at the various ways our species have dealt with understanding those situations where a ruler is mad and bad.

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“There are more things in Heaven and Earth, Horatio, than are dreamt of in your philosophy.”

– Hamlet, William Shakespeare

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Law and constitutionalism has little chance in the face of this ongoing irrationalism.

Pointing to the articles of the constitution of the United States, or of the charter of the United Nations, is nothing more other than quaint.

One may as well hold up a blank piece of paper and announce that this will stop him.

There is no formal solution to this problem: no text, codified or otherwise.

This will only stop if – if – those individuals who have any residual power step in and impose their wills against his.

And that still seems unlikely.

Those around him appear to be in a trance that has affected the whole of his “court” – a spell as deadly as any devised by any fairy tale witch upon any group of courtiers.

A spell which seems to be absolutely unbreakable.

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And now Trump has destroyed – or at least seems to have destroyed – Atlanticism and the NATO alliance.

Perhaps both will recover: that this is only some severe but not permanent jolt.

But when overnight Trump posts things like the following:

Or sends official diplomatic letters such as:

…we are not in situation from which we can speedily recover.

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“We are indeed drifting into the arena of the unwell.

Making an enemy of our own future.”

– Withnail and I

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One day, perhaps, all this will be in the past.

One day we may know how this story ends.

Indeed, what happens next will be deemed by a certain type of historian as somehow inevitable – even though nobody at this moment can predict it with any certainty.

But as it stands: we are currently in a situation where there is neither rhyme nor reason – where precedents and norms and laws and rules and theories offer no assistance.

We are trapped in a story where there is nothing to tell us how this story ends.

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“I have supped full with horrors.”

– Macbeth, William Shakespeare.

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Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

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Notes on gangster states: why legitimacy matters when the state has a monopoly on coercive and lethal force.

12th January 2026

One priority for a modern state – perhaps the highest priority – is for it to keep its citizens safe from harm.

And within that priority is the need for the state to to keep its citizens safe from harm inflicted by the state itself.

A modern state has – or should have – a monopoly on legitimate coercive and indeed lethal force.

By “legitimate” is meant that the force used will have a lawful basis, will be used in accordance with legal rules, is sanctioned ultimately by someone capable of being publicly accountable, and is capable of review by an independent court.

So what happens when this breaks down?

What happens when the it is the state that is inflicting injury and death on its own citizens – or on people in its care?

And what happens when that coercive and lethal force does not appear to have a legal basis and/or is not in accordance with legal rules and/or is sanctioned by those with no accountability and/or is not capable of independent judicial review?

That is: what happens, for any or all these reasons, the use of coercive and lethal use of force does not seem to have any legitimacy?

What happens when the only justification for the use of coercive and lethal use of force – or excuse or pretext – is that might is right?

Well, among other things, you have a fundamental failure in the functioning of a modern state.

For the key word here is “legitimacy”.

Anybody can (seek to) use coercive and lethal force – and many will get away with it.

And if that is possible, then you have a gangster state, an outlaw state, a pirate state – where anything goes by those who can use coercive and lethal force and be protected from any legal or political consequences.

Some may like the idea of such a state – some may read science fiction or fantasy fiction where there are cities or entire societies where might is right.

Or when may look at various places – now and throughout history – where any sense of a legitimate central order has broken down. And what one will often see are massacres and gangsterism.

That is why there is a quid pro quo – the state gets to have a monopoly on the use of coercive and lethal force, in return for that coercive and lethal force being used legitimately.

That is that the force used will have a lawful basis, will be used in accordance with legal rules, is sanctioned ultimately by someone capable of being publicly accountable, and is capable of review by an independent court.

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Now looking at the United States, there appears to be the free use of coercive and lethal force by the federal agency ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement).

Last week Renee Nicole Good was killed by ICE in circumstances that seem to have been murder: a state execution of an innocent person on the streets for no good reason.

At the start of that day three children had a mother and at the end of that day they did not, just because an ICE agent decided to shoot their mother three times in the face.

I have written about this over at Prospect in an article entitled Death in Minnesota – please click here to read it.

Fatalities happen, police shootings of innocent people happen – but what was especially striking about this killing was the response of the federal government and its supporters.

For want of a better word: they celebrated the killing.

The woman somehow deserved it because she was dubbed “domestic terrorist”.

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Now turning back to the general issue of legitimacy, we can see that this use of lethal (and not only coercive) force appears from from any of those elements which can (in limited circumstances) render it legitimate.

The extra-judicial execution of Renee Nicole Good seems not to have a legal basis, it was not in accordance with legal rules, was sanctioned (even implicitly) by those who seek to evade accountability, and it may not be capable of review by an independent court.

The federal state is resisting working with the local police.

It looks as if the state is confident it can get away with it.

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But.

The cost of the state getting away with it will be further diminution of the legitimacy of the state having a monopoly of coercive and legal power.

Yes, as a matter of realpolitik, the state can seemingly do as it wishes.

Yet in the medium term, legitimacy matters.

A society is not easy to govern unless there is at least acceptance of the powers of the police and the military: sheer repression is expensive and often unsustainable.

That is why the wise tyrant hides behind a veneer of legalism and constitutionality.

And that is also why gangster states rarely last very long.

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