The significant Supreme Court judgment on universal injunctions

30th June 2025

Now the federal government does not have to comply with certain irksome court orders because the federal courts can no longer make them

This week I will be looking closely at what seems at a highly significant judgment of the United States Supreme Court. It is 119 pages and you can read it here.

At first glance it seems that while onlookers were (mis)directed into worrying about what happens if the Trump administration ignores court orders, the conservative majority on the US Supreme Court, with more subtlety and artistry, has now robbed federal judges from making many of the most unwelcome court orders in first place.

If so, the problem of the federal government disobeying many irksome court orders in large part goes away, because federal judges cannot now even make the most effective court orders!

Such a judgment does not require just a hot-take, but a considered view. I will post more shortly.

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Explaining a 31-month sentence for a tweet

27th May 2025

How a mixture of court process, law and sentencing policy led to the lengthy imprisonment of Lucy Connolly

For some a prison sentence – or indeed any criminal sanction – for a speech act needs an explanation.

An offence for a speech act can seem different to, say, where there is tangible damage to the person or to property.

You say [x] aloud, or you type and publish [y], and you go from not having criminal liability to having criminal liability, because of the words that you used.

But there are many offences which come down to speech acts: many forms of fraud, breaches of the Official Secrets Act, planning or inciting crimes, obscene publications, terrorism offences, and various forms of threatening behaviour.

All are about just words, and all are offences.

In fact there are more criminal offences about speech acts than many realise.

There are all sorts of crimes that one commit by saying the wrong thing at the wrong time in the wrong way.

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There was media disquiet about the 31-month sentence for Lucy Connolly in respect of a tweet which was online for about three and a half hours. Some have criticised the judges for the sentence.

I have written about this case at Prospect – please click and read here.

Here I just want to add some further comments, as I have a longstanding interest in social media and criminal liability (and I was once the successful appeal solicitor in a leading case in this area).

There were three key decisions which led to this sentence – none of which were taken by any judge in this case. Indeed, these three decisions taken together left the court with little choice as to the range of sentences.

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The first decision was that of Parliament.

In 2001 the maximum sentence for relevant offence under the Public Order Act was increased from two years to seven years:

This meant that anyone convicted under the offence at the Crown Court would necessarily have a starting point for their sentence higher than before. This is a form of sentencing inflation which governments of all parties do again and again, for their regular ritual of being “tough on crime”.

And the seven year range is reflected in the sentencing guidelines:

Sentencing guidelines, to adapt Parkinson’s law, tend to expand to fill the maximum sentence available.

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The second decision was that of the Crown Prosecution Service in electing to charge Connolly under section 19 of the Public Order Act 1986:

This is quite a serious offence. The CPS could have elected to charge her under a lesser offence, such as under section 127 of the Communications Act 2003, which has a maximum sentence of six months.

But the CPS chose not do this, no doubt because of the violent disorder that happened following the tweet.

You will see that the offence charged has two elements.

First, person has to publish or distribute “written material which is threatening, abusive or insulting”. This is a question of fact.

Second, if a person has published or distributed such written material, that the person “intends thereby to stir up racial hatred, or […] having regard to all the circumstances racial hatred is likely to be stirred up thereby.”

Here we come to the intention of the person – or to the circumstances of the publication.

In this case, the CPS adopted the position that Connolly (a) published or distributed “written material which is threatening, abusive or insulting” and (b) she intended to stir up racial hatred. The CPS did not rely on “all the circumstances”. They insisted she had intent.

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The third decision was that of Lucy Connolly herself.

She decided to plead guilty.

At her appeal against sentence, her barrister said the tweet was hyperbole:

However, if this was actually the case and Connolly had intended only to vent and that she had not published anything that was “threatening, abusive or insulting” to be taken seriously, then she should have considered pleading not guilty.

But once she pleaded guilty without disputing the CPS position on intent, she necessarily admitted that (a) the words were “threatening, abusive or insulting” and that (b) she intended to stir up racial hatred.

She could have pleaded guilty but disputed intent, but if the CPS did not accept this she would have faced a “Newton Hearing” mini-trial, and if the judge went against her, she could lose any discount on sentence.

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All these decisions were made by others and not the judge at first instance or the judges on appeal.

Connolly decided to plead guilty, to a serious charge decided by the CPS, under an offence which parliament decided had a maximum sentence of seven years.

If any of these decisions had been different then there could have been a different sentence – or, if Connolly had been found not guilty, no sentence at all.

Connolly was advised that the wording of her tweet made it likely that a court would convict:

She was advised that it was likely that a jury would decide that (a) the words were “threatening, abusive or insulting” and that (b) she intended to stir up racial hatred.

Faced with that advice, she had to decide whether to plead guilty and get a discount on sentence or plead not guilty and risk a longer sentence.

As it was the Crown Court judge imposed a 42-month sentence discounted to 31 months – that is two years and seven months discounted from three and a half years.

Given that she accepted she had intent, and given the sentencing guidelines, there was little the court could have done otherwise.

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Personally I think the court could have put more weight on the practical mitigation that she took the post down herself within hours. That is something to be encouraged when otherwise offending things are published, however vile. (I don’t think the personal mitigation was relevant, for the reasons given by the court of appeal.)

But even taken this practical mitigation at its highest, it would not have much reduced the sentence.

If you think the seven year maximum sentence is too high (thereby meaning that the starting points for sentences are also high) then your complaint is with parliament.

If you think the CPS over-charged and should have gone with a lesser offence then your complaint is with the CPS.

And if you think that Connolly’s tweet was not “threatening, abusive or insulting”, and that she did not intend to stir up racial hatred, then this means you think Connolly should not have pleaded guilty to the charge brought.

For it was these three decisions, and not any decision of the court of any judge, that explain the sentence imposed on Connolly.

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A close reading of the “AI” fake cases judgment

How the Trump administration’s “shock and awe” approach has resulted in its litigation being shockingly awful

22nd April 2025

How the United States constitutional crisis is intensifying

Maundy Thursday, 2025

And what the US government should realise about a cavalier approach to obligations

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At the beginning of the current constitutional crisis in the United States there was a word, and that word was “Oopsie”.

This was a word in the social media post of the El Salvador president when the first deportations took place from the United States.

This was then re-posted by the actual United States Secretary of State from his personal account.

This re-post signified that at the top of the United States executive there was not only a lack of seriousness about court orders but a willingness to show that lack of seriousness publicly.

And it was that moment that it became plain that there was not only a tension but a contradiction between the attitudes of the executive and the judges.

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Others may date or time the crisis from another starting point – there is no great science in this, and different people can have different views. Just like different people can have a view on when a storm starts, though there will be a point where most people would agree when a storm is happening.

Most people, who have an opinion about such things, would probably accept there is now a crisis in the constitutional arrangements of the United States.

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Of course, the United States government has not publicly said “we are not acting constitutionally”.

As the eminent jurist Mandy Rice-Davies might have put it: they wouldn’t do, would they.

It is instead for those involved and looking on to assess whether certain conduct is constitutional, or not – and whether there is a constitutional crisis, or not.

And from the perspective of this English constitutional law blog there is now not only a crisis, but a crisis which is intensifying.

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There are broadly two strands to the current crisis in respect of the deportations to El Salvador. In general terms they can be seen as the internal and external strands.

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The internal strand is about the compliance of the United States government with the order of the federal court that the planes should have turned round at the time of the initial restraining orders.

Although the government has successfully appealed whether those orders were appropriate – and that a different legal remedy should have been used – the temporary restraining orders still should have been complied with.

In the United States as in the United Kingdom the orders of the court are to be complied with, regardless of whether the party affected thinks they are wrong or unlawful.

The judge dealing with this case has now stated that there is probable cause to show that the United States government was in contempt of the court in refusing to turn the planes around.

The executive must now either “purge” (wonderful word) their contempt or provide information, which may in turn lead to sanctions.

At this stage it does not seem clear whether any sanction – if it is for criminal contempt – is within the scope of things that can be pardoned by a president.

Few if any have a good idea of what will happen next.

And as this blog has averred before, that is in the nature of crises: if one can forecast what will happen next then it is not a crisis.

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The second strand is about the case of one particular individual, Abrego Garcia, who was wrongly and unlawfully deported to El Salvador.

He is now in the infamous mega-prison.

The United States say that it is not within its power to order his return, as he is now outwith the jurisdiction.

El Salvador say that they do not have the legal power to insist that the United States accept his return.

In a strict, narrow technical sense, both these propositions are probably correct – and, if so, that is intentional.

It seems the whole arrangement has been engineered – indeed gamed – so that the unfortunate individuals fall between two jurisdictional stools.

But a federal court has ordered that the United States “facilitate” his return, and this order has been unanimously approved by the Supreme Court.

This blog has already explored the issues about such injunctions generally – and what the word “facilitate” would mean in particular.

Yet whatever the word means in this context, it must mean something.

The United States government, however, ain’t doing nothing.

Even if (somehow) there is no formal mechanism in the agreement with El Salvador for the return of individuals (and the government are refusing to disclose this “classified” agreement), few would doubt that a formal request could be made and an offer of assistance made.

But the government is instead coming up with increasingly implausible definitions of “facilitate”.

Again, as with the internal strand, it is not clear what will now happen and how this matter will now unfold.

And again, that is because the United States is in a constitutional crisis.

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Crises – constitutional or otherwise – are not necessarily dramatic, at least not immediately.

The effects of a crisis can be profound but quiet: a general dislocation leading to unpleasant ongoing consequences.

So there may not be grand gestures and civil unrest and conflict (though there can be). But there will be destabilisation, of one kind or another.

And that destabilisation may not be that which the government is hoping for.

The United States government should bear in mind one thing about being cavalier in its attitude to the constitution.

Such an attitude did not end well for the cavaliers.

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A note about injunctions in the context of the Abrego Garcia case

14th April 2025

What courts can and cannot order – and what those injuncted can and should do

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In the United States the constitutional crisis seems to have intensified overnight, with the US government appearing to flout an injunctive order of the federal court to facilitate a deportee’s return – an order which has been upheld 9-0 by the US supreme court.

The case is that of Kilmar Abrego Garcia (as you can see from that Wiki page, his name has various versions, and this is the version which is preferred on that site, and it is there shortened to Abrego Garcia, which is also how the courts refer to him).

On 15 March 2025 he was unlawfully removed from the United States by the US government and deported to El Salvador.

The removal was unlawful as it was contrary to a court withholding order – and the US government has openly admitted that the removal was a mistake.

Abrego Garcia is now in the notorious Center for Terrorism Confinement (CECOT) in El Salvador, despite him not having any criminal record or other determination against him. He has not even been charged with anything.

On 7 April 2025 a federal court ordered that the US government “facilitate and effectuate” his return.

On 10 April 2025 the US Supreme Court unanimously upheld this order in respect of facilitating his return – though the court also held the term “effectuate” was unclear and required clarification.

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Pausing at this point, why did the federal court in Marlyand not simply order the US government to return Abrego Garcia?

Why even add the words “facilitate and effectuate”?

Why not just say that the US government is ordered to facilitate and effectuate the return of Abrego Garcia?

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Here we have to look at what injunctions can and cannot do.

Injunctions are powerful orders of any court.

An injunction typically fixes upon person [x] and if that person does not comply with the order, then [x] is in contempt and can be punished by the court.

The historical roots of the injunction in England go back to the old days of equity where the court, on behalf of the crown, would order that a person act in accordance with their (supposed) conscience – to do what was conscionable.

Of course, like a lot of equity, it was a fiction – those injuncted may or may not have any conscience about doing or not doing something – but that was the legal theory.

It is an order to ensure a person does what the court considers they should be doing.

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In simple cases, an injunction will be along the lines of [x] should or should not do something.

The assumptions here are that [x] is subject to the jurisdiction of the court and what [x] is being ordered to do (or not do) is within the control of [x].

But sometimes things can get more complicated.

What if [x] is not subject to the jurisdiction of the court?

What if [x] is being ordered to do something outside of their control?

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Consider the following situation:

[x] is in control of another person [y]

[x] removes [y] from the jurisdiction of the court by deporting [y] to country [z]

[x] no longer has control of [y]

[z] now has control of [y]

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In this situation the court cannot order [x] to return [y] because [x] no longer has control of [y]. Returning [y] is no longer within the power of [x].

But the court also cannot order country [z] to return [y] because [z] is outwith the jurisdiction of the court.

Therefore the court cannot simply order [x] to return [y].

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But what happens if [x] has acted unconscionably? Is the court impotent?

Well, the court can order [x] to do what they can to return [y].

In England, for example, a court may order [x] to use their best endeavours to procure the return of [y]. [x] may not be capable of being ordered to return [y] but they can be ordered to do everything they can do.

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Going back to the Abrego Garcia case, the federal court was no doubt aware that they could not simply order his return.

That is why the court ordered the US government to facilitate his return. The court also ordered the US government to “effectuate” his return, though for many this is a less clear word, though it is not absolutely unclear.

But the word “facilitate” was probably enough – anything covered by the one word would generally be covered by the other.

If the US government, for example, had contractual or other powers to insist to El Salvador that Abrego Garcia be returned, then that should be done.

The fact that he is outside the jurisdiction of the federal court does not mean the US government can now just shrug and not do anything.

The US government is required to do what they can.

And by further order of the court, the US government is now also required to give progress reports on what they are (not) doing to facilitate the return of Abrego Garcia.

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The US government does not want to do this.

As reported overnight by Aaron Reichlin-Melnick:

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It would appear from the news reports that the US government is not taking the court orders in this case seriously – that they are flatly refusing to facilitate the return of Abrego Garcia.

The US government submission is here.

You will see they are not saying that they are breaching the order – but one would expect that.

You will see that they are quibbling about what the word “facilitate” means.

Formally, at least, the government claims it is not in breach – they say that the order has no application.

The US government also do not seem to be giving the updates required by the court – at least not in any meaningful way.

The impression conveyed is that the US is flouting the order – and that, even if it were within their power to “facilitate the return of Abrego Garcia that they will not do so.

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What will happen next?

If the US government is flouting the order, which appears to be the case, then the constitutional crisis in the United States is intensifying.

Perhaps the US government will successfully appeal to the Supreme Court and that court construes the order and the word “facilitate” to mean something other than the ordinary meaning of the order and indeed the word “facilitate”.

Perhaps the court will punish those responsible at the US government for contempt.

Perhaps even Abrego Garcia will be returned.

It is in the nature of a constitutional crisis that one cannot predict the next events to unfold – for if one could predict what will happen next then it would not be a crisis.

Perhaps nothing dramatic will happen at all – and this will be another quiet tug on the fabric of the constitution the effects of which will worsen over time.

But it is hard to see anything good coming of this.

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Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

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Making sense of the Trump-Roberts exchange about impeachment

19th March 2025

Two public statements about the impeachment of judges – and why the Roberts one is highly significant

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We are in strange constitutional times.

Yesterday there were two public statements, from the heads of their respective branches of the United States constitutional system.

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The first was from the president of the United States Donald Trump on social media:

“This Radical Left Lunatic of a Judge, a troublemaker and agitator who was sadly appointed by Barack Hussein Obama, was not elected President – He didn’t WIN the popular VOTE (by a lot!), he didn’t WIN ALL SEVEN SWING STATES, he didn’t WIN 2,750 to 525 Counties, HE DIDN’T WIN ANYTHING! I WON FOR MANY REASONS, IN AN OVERWHELMING MANDATE, BUT FIGHTING ILLEGAL IMMIGRATION MAY HAVE BEEN THE NUMBER ONE REASON FOR THIS HISTORIC VICTORY. I’m just doing what the VOTERS wanted me to do. This judge, like many of the Crooked Judges’ I am forced to appear before, should be IMPEACHED!!! WE DON’T WANT VICIOUS, VIOLENT, AND DEMENTED CRIMINALS, MANY OF THEM DERANGED MURDERERS, IN OUR COUNTRY. MAKE AMERICA GREAT AGAIN!!!”

This social media post indicated Trump was perhaps a little disappointed with how the current case on deportations is going (covered on this blog  in the last couple of days).

And unlike many of the documents examined on this blog, this Trump post really is not a difficult text to parse.

Once upon a time, when things were normal, such a statement by a president or anyone else in a position of power would have caused consternation, and maybe even triggered its own impeachment.

Now, we just expect these things – and one’s eyes glaze over such missives, with their lines of block capitals, just like one’s eyes can glaze over those irksome American contracts which insist in putting dozens provisions in block capitals so as to make them (supposedly) duly prominent.

And the fact that Trump was attacking a judge and calling for their impeachment also registered hardly a shrug.

So what? This is what he does. Next news item, please.

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But.

It is a text not without interest – not for what it says, but for its context.

The timing of this post would accord with when Trump was probably being told of how the court case was going, with federal lawyers briefing him on the merits of the success of the defence.

As this blog has said, the US federal government are facing a hard time in this particular case – and there seems no obvious way that the government was not in breach of a court order.

If that was the substance of what Trump was being told, there is no wonder his response was this social media text. He would not take such news well.

But even after setting out this possible context, few would give such blather a second thought. More of the same.

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But.

Then something unexpected happened.

John Roberts, the chief justice of the United States Supreme Court, put out his own public statement.

Such statements are as rare as Trumps posts are ubiquitous, and so it had the sudden effect that Trump’s posts have lost long lost.

Roberts simply said this, in a mere two sentences, and without any block capitals or exclamation marks:

“For more than two centuries, it has been established that impeachment is not an appropriate response to disagreement concerning a judicial decision. The normal appellate review process exists for that purpose.”

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Bang.

Of course, this does not mention Trump expressly. And nor it is it an exceptional statement – it states the obvious.

In and of itself, it is not a radical text.

Yet the context of this text maybe makes it very potent indeed, and for at least two possible reasons.

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First, it perhaps indicates that Roberts – part of the nominal conservative majority on the court – is not happy with threats to impeach judges over how cases are decided.

And if Roberts is not happy, it is likely that other conservative justices such as Amy Coney Barrett are unhappy too.

Given that Trump and his supporters hope and expect the conservative majority on the supreme court to ultimately uphold a lot of what they are currently doing, this statement was a signal that this majority cannot be taken for granted.

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Second, it appears to also be a signal of judicial leadership. Roberts is implicitly telling the other federal judges across America who are having to adjudicate legal claims arising from the current political turmoil not to be intimidated by threats of impeachment.

(Any impeachment would also require two-thirds of the senate – votes which the conservatives have not (yet) got.)

If it is such a signal of leadership then, again, this is not good news for Trump and his bullying supporters.

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Was it proper for Roberts to make such an extra-judicial statement?

Already conservative senators are saying that Roberts has trespassed onto the arena of the legislature, for it is Congress that decides whether to impeach.

(Such senators, of course, are silent on whether it was proper for the president to usurp the role of Congress on impeachment – but presumably such intellectual consistency is for the hobgoblin of little minds.)

But in any case Roberts was correctly stating the appropriate response to disagreeing with a court decision – you appeal, which is certainly proper for a chief justice to say.

And by saying what is the appropriate response, you are also necessarily saying what is not the appropriate response, and there is nothing wrong with him doing that expressly.

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One never would have expected the president and chief justice to engage in, what is in effect, a twenty-first century pamphlet war – to have such a row in public.

To his credit Roberts avoided joining with Trump expressly, but the meaning of his speech act was plain: it was a public correction, if not a contradiction, of the president of the United States. It was a public rebuke.

Roberts would not have enjoyed doing this, and so there must have been for him a compelling reason to overwhelm his usual reluctance to make such statements.

(One wonders if he is also tempted to make a general statement that court orders should also be complied with unless appealed – though that may be too close to the facts of many currently contested cases.)

Many – fully aware of Roberts’ own rather illiberal judicial record – were unimpressed with this intervention. It was too little, too late and he only has himself to blame for much of the current law and policy dumpster fires.

Perhaps.

But here Roberts did do the right thing, and for that he should be commended – even if much of the rest of his record should be condemned.

And if politics is about getting people to shift their position to a better position, then any such move should always be welcomed.

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Of course, the Roberts statement will make little difference to the current spectacular legal and political breakdown of the United States.

But it is a signal that those seeking to bring about this breakdown are not going to have it all their own way.

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Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

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The paradox of the Billionaires saying that Court Orders have no value, for without Court Orders there could not be Billionaires

11th February 2025

Those saying that Orders of the Court can be freely defied should be careful what they wish for

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Imagine a billionaire, and imagine then their billions being somehow, unlawfully confiscated.

These unlawful confiscations could be in terms of their physical possessions being taken away; or titles to their real property being transferred to someone else; or the transfer away of monies in bank accounts and trust funds; or the titles in intangible property, such as intellectual property rights, being fraudulently assigned; or their contractual entitlements being wrongly nullified; or whatever.

Imagine whatever the species of wealth, it was by some unlawful means no longer to be the wealth of the billionaire.

What is the poor billionaire to do?

The billionaire would contact their lawyers, and the lawyers would then take legal actions; if needs be, the lawyers would apply to the Courts for remedies and sanctions, so that the unlawful confiscations are ceased and desisted from, and the property returned, and so on.

Whatever the species of wealth, there will be some legal means for the billionaire’s lawyers to seek legal redress form a court of competent jurisdiction.

And so in each and every case, the lawyers will be seeking an Order of the Court.

And not only would the lawyers be seeking an Order of the Court, they would be expecting that the Order of the Court would be respected and would be enforced.

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The wealth of any billionaire (or of anybody else) is ultimately a bundle of legal rights – in contract, in property, in trusts, and so on.

It is because these rights are enforceable that the wealth exists and accumulates. Unless the legal rights are enforceable, there simply is no wealth.

And any enforceable legal right usually means ready access to an Order of the Court.

But.

If Orders of the Court have no inherent value – that it is open for others to freely disobey the Orders of the Court – then what ultimately depends on Orders of Court becomes suddenly precarious.

Therefore those – billionaires and others – who say that Orders of the Court can be freely defied, on a pick-and-choose basis should be very careful for what they wish for.

For without compliance with Orders of the Court, there cannot be any billionaires.

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Solving the puzzle of why the case of Prince Harry and Lord Watson against News Group Newspapers came to its sudden end

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A third and final post about the ‘Lettuce before Action’ of Elizabeth Truss

18th January 2025

The final piece of evidence which shows, on balance, that it was not intended as a serious legal letter

So far this blog (here and here) has provided an immediate close reading of the libel letter sent by the former Prime Minister to the current Prime Minister, and yesterday it set out a more considered approach.

But there is one further thing which perhaps should be noted about the letter.

Let us look again at the first and final pages (which for reasons given in the previous points, I have taken out the letterhead of the law firm, though there is a reference to it on the the final page, which was unavoidable if I were to show the letter did not have a “wet ink” signature).

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There is something else missing, apart from the “wet ink” signature.

It is something which would normally be at the top of the first page, or maybe sometimes at the bottom of the last page.

The letter circulated to the media does not include any of the usual “furniture” of a legal letter: a reference number, the identity of the lawyer sending it, the email address for the recipient to respond to, and so on.

As this was a letter which explicitly was sent by email, then an email address for a response would be normal.

And given the law firm sending the letter lists three postal addresses for three offices, there would be a need at least for a file reference number or other identifying paraphernalia.

But there is nothing.

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Taken together with the evidence already detailed in the previous posts that this is a weak litigation letter, then this suggests one of the following scenarios:

1. the version of the letter sent did not have a “wet ink” signature, no reference number and no identifying information as to the lawyer and office which sent it;

2. the version circulated to the press was an unsigned “client copy” of the version of the letter sent, and the letter which was sent did have a reference number and identifying information as to the lawyer and office, and either Truss or someone in her circle leaked their “client copy” version of the letter;

3. the version sent and circulated to the press was not “leaked”, but was instead deliberately crafted and intended as a publicity version for release to the media, and so care was taken that this publicity version removed any identifying details.

Normally(!) the first option would the least likely, because it would odd indeed for a multi-office law firm (as opposed, say, to a High Street one-person firm) to have no identifying information whatsoever on a litigation letter for any reply to be directed to the right person.

Yet if it is the third option, then this would mean that the letter was never intended by Truss to be taken seriously by the recipient: it was always and entirely a media-political exercise.

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On balance, taking together both the muddled content (and lack of content) of the letter and the accumulation of telling details, this letter was never intended to be a credible litigation letter, it was always an exercise in publicity.

Your response to this may be (and perhaps should be) “duh, no surprise there, Sherlock” – but it is one thing to assert that a letter has no credible legal purpose, and another to demonstrate it could have no credible legal purpose, and to demonstrate on balance that it could have no credible legal purpose is what this short series of posts set out to do.

And, if so, it is an unwelcome development that lawyers’ letters are being. used for such a media-political purpose.

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